by Hanan Ashrawi
“Blaming the victim” has
been the common resort of the guilty in rationalizing and distorting the
horror of the crime itself.
Whether battered wives, abused
children, or Palestinians long subjected to the brutality of the
horrendous Israeli military occupation, the first (and last) resort of the
cowardly is in maligning the victim, in accusing him/her/them of having
brought about the deserved cruelty of the crime.
The essential prerequisite, of
course, is the total dehumanization of the victims and the elimination of
their most basic rights and attributes as well as claims to protection.
Inevitably, the resultant
compound victimization is further enhanced by increased vulnerability,
distortion, and exclusion from the protection of human consideration and
moral imperatives.
Hence, the latest eruption of
confrontations between the Israeli occupation army and civilian
Palestinian protestors became the playing field for the full force of the
Israeli “spin machine” in a most deliberate, concentrated, and racist
exercise of deception and dehumanization directed against a whole people.
The most basic form of
deception is in fabricating a false symmetry between occupier and
occupied, between oppressor and victim. The “violence” of the powerful
Israeli occupation army using live ammunition, tanks and helicopter gun
ships is (at best) equated with the “violence” of Palestinian
civilians protesting their victimization and continued loss of rights,
lands, and lives.
In addition, the Palestinians
are called upon to be docile, to stop the “violence,” to end the
“siege” of Israel—as though the strongest army in the region is
being “threatened” by the unarmed people’s rejection of its
occupation and brutality. The obvious and simple solution, of course, is
to withdraw the army and end the occupation.
This, ironically, is
accompanied by a devaluation of Palestinian rights and lives by
translating our objective weakness into a diminution of rights whereby the
powerful determines the parameters of “justice” for the weak.
The whole presentation
constantly exhibits the “white man’s burden” syndrome. Palestinians
should be “grateful” for whatever “generous offer” Israel chooses
to “grant” them, regardless of the glaring injustice and illegality of
the Israeli negotiating stance.
Both the extreme right and
extreme left in Israel (as well as the US) have adopted this
condescending, patronizing approach to peace—Barak has gone the
“farthest” in “offering” the Palestinians almost 90% of their
lands with some “responsibilities” in Jerusalem, and those
“ungrateful” Palestinians are being “intransigent” and hard line.
Having compromised ourselves
down to 22% of historical Palestine, we are now being asked to be party to
Israel’s illegal annexation of Jerusalem and its settlement
policies—i.e. an unholy partnership for the violation of international
law and the relevant UN resolutions.
Should we be unwilling to
self-negate, to refuse the role of good little natives, and to continue
rejecting the Israeli unilateral version of “peace” that “offers”
us a subservient stateless of isolated Bantustans under Israel’s
apartheid system, then we will be pounded into submission.
After all, if pressure and
threat and political arm-twisting do not work, sheer naked military
aggression can produce the desired results—since “Arabs understand
only the language of violence.”
Instant scare tactics or panic
politics come into play with such labels as the “terrorist” or
“dictatorial” or “violent” Palestinians, while depicting the
reality of the Palestinian human will to resist subjugation and oppression
as proof of such misrepresentations.
A catch-22 situation is
clearly visible: Arafat must “control” his people (nation of sheep?)
and “order” them to calm down and accept their enslavement and
repression by the Israelis, otherwise he is no longer a “peace
partner” and cannot be considered a “leader.”
At the same time, Israel
cannot deal with Arafat or the Palestinians because they are inherently
“undemocratic” and therefore have nothing in common with such
“civilized” democracies as Israel and the US.
In parallel, other ready-made
labels and stereotypical epithets are easily pulled out as a convenient
branding exercise to reduce the humanity of the Palestinians.
The historical and familiar
slurs used by Israeli officials and public figures (including cockroaches,
two-legged vermin, dogs) have been expanded to include “snakes” and
“crocodiles.”
The reduction of our humanity
to a series of abstractions is nowhere as sinister as in the numerical
game. Palestinian victims of Israeli live fire are daily given as “x”
numbers killed and “y” numbers wounded. Their names, identities,
dashed hopes, and shattered dreams are nowhere mentioned. Absent too are
the grief and anguish of their mothers, fathers, sisters, brothers, and
other loved ones who will have to live with that tragic loss.
The visual documentation of
the cold-blooded murder of the child Muhammad al-Durra shattered the
complacency of those who had been comfortable with the anonymity of the
Palestinians and the invisibility of their suffering. Even then, the
Israeli propaganda machine tried to distort the truth even in the face of
irrefutable evidence.
First, it was said that he was
killed by Palestinian “gun men.” Then, he was “caught in the
crossfire.” The worst version was in the cynical depiction of the child
Muhammad as a “trouble-maker” or a “mischievous” child who brought
it upon himself—as though the proper response to a child living his
childhood is deliberate death. The last accusation involved a question:
“What was he doing there?” The real question should have been “what
was the Israeli army doing there” in the heart of Palestinian Gaza
shooting at civilians including a child and his father who had been caught
red-handed attempting to indulge in the “provocative” act of shopping
together.
Note the difference, however,
when two Israeli under cover agents, belonging to the notorious Israeli
death squads were killed by Palestinian protestors.
No Palestinian attempted to
justify the act. Rather orders were issued to investigate and arrest those
responsible. After all, there should be such a thing as the rule of law
and due process.
Instead, Israel moved its
tanks and armies even closer to tighten the siege and strangulation of
Palestinian towns, villages and refugee camps. Then it brought in its
Apache helicopter gun ships and shelled Palestinian cities and towns in a
most senseless and cruel form of collective punishment.
Its version of events
presented the Israeli agents as reservists who had mistakenly
“strayed” into Ramallah and then were “lynched” by the mob.
References to “slaughter” and “blood thirst” and “savagery”
became the prevalent verbal currency.
While no one would condone the
killing of the soldiers, it is important however, to deal with the real
facts and the context:
Ramallah, as a city under
total Israeli military siege, was closed off to all movement in or out of
the city. Only one entrance was open, entirely under the control of
multiple Israeli military checkpoints. Thus to “stray” into Ramallah
would require deliberate and repeated attempts requiring tenacity,
persistence, and even guile.
The two Israeli agents were
clearly infiltrated and planted into the midst of a protest march in the
heart of the city. The occasion was the funeral of a Palestinian man,
Issam Joudeh Hamad, from the village of Umm Safa, who had been abducted by
Israeli settlers and tortured to death in a most grisly manner.
Gruesome footage and
photographs of the body, plus the testimony of the doctors who had
examined it, were not repeatedly displayed before the eyes of the world
for the sake of scoring points or dehumanizing the Israelis. Some Arab
stations informed me that the images were so horrific that they refrained
from using them.
Most of the people
participating in the march (in the besieged Palestinian city of Ramallah)
knew the victim, and some had seen the body. The two undercover Israeli
agents that had infiltrated the march were recognizably the Palestinians
as members of the “Death Squads” that had been responsible for
assassinations and provocations.
Despite the fact that the
Palestinian police tried to protect them, the two were killed before the
cameras.
This immediately became an
instant justification for branding all Palestinians as murderers, and for
the most systematic, venomous, hate campaign in recent history. It was
also used as a justification for the Israeli aerial attacks on Ramallah
and other Palestinian cities.
In his moving appeal to his
compatriots (Oct. 13, 2000) not to exploit this incident to justify
existing racism and hatred, Israeli poet Yitzhak Laor documents several
lynchings of Palestinians by Israeli army and security forces. In all
cases the perpetrators were never punished, and no moral outrage was
expressed by the Israeli public, let alone a shelling of Israeli cities!
The same applies to the
Israeli settler reign of terror that targets Palestinians in their own
homes and towns, with full Israeli military protection and collusion.
Presented as helpless
“Israeli civilians” surrounded by “hostile” Palestinians, the
sinister and lethal nature of settler violence, as armed extremists on the
rampage, is often ignored. The illegality of Israeli settlements, the
fundamentalist extremist character of the armed settlers, and the horrific
acts of abduction, torture, killing and just random violence that are
committed with impunity—rarely get a mention.
Throughout all this, the
Palestinians continue to be blamed.
The most blatantly racist slur
is the Israeli theft of our humanity as parents. In an attempt to rob us
of our most basic feelings for our children, we are accused of “sending
[our] children out to die” for the sake of “scoring media points.”
The horror is further
compounded by the total and unquestioning equanimity with which such a
grand national slur is repeated by Israelis of all parties, with no
critical distance or even awareness of the enormity of such a racist
charge.
When Palestinian children
became targets for Israeli snipers and other army violence, the ministry
of education had no option but to close down the schools temporarily in
order to minimize the students’ exposure on the way to and from school.
That was immediately latched
on by the Israeli spin machine as proof that we closed down the schools in
order to “release” our children to go out and “riot” thereby
obstructing the free path of Israeli bullets.
The safety of home and
parents’ attempts at protecting their children are not even considered.
Actually, the 18-month-old
baby girl, Sara Abdel-Athim Hassan, was shot in the back seat of her
father’s car, while other child victims were killed in or around their
own homes. Mu’ayyad al-Jawarish, 12 years old, was shot in the garden of
his own home.
Most children were shot in the
head or upper part of the body, mainly with high velocity bullets. The
most common targets of rubber-coated steel bullets were the eyes of
children.
A shoot-to-kill (or
permanently impair) policy has been in force by the Israeli
army—claiming the lives of more than 105 Palestinians and wounding more
than 3000 (many of whom with permanent injuries).
Israeli officials claim that
they had exercised “restraint.”
Of course they can do
worse—they can commit genocide or complete the ethnic cleansing begun in
1948.
Still, it is Israeli
“security” that is at stake.
Israel’s powerful army of
occupation cowers in fear at the Palestinian people’s cry for justice
and freedom.
The Palestinian people have no
need for security on their own land or in their own homes since they have
been thoroughly dehumanized by their oppressor as to deserve whatever
happens to them.
Worse than being
“non-existent” (as in the myth of the “land without a people for a
people without a land”—which even Shimon Peres now seems to espouse),
in the minds of the official Israeli narrative, we now seem to be existent
on a lower plain as sub-human species, bereft of the most elemental
qualities and rights that guide the conscience and moral values of
humanity as a whole.
All this is for the sake of
alleviating the guilt and responsibility of the real culprit.
Apologists for the Israeli
occupation must find an alternative address to be blamed for the horror
inflicted on the Palestinians—so who better than the victims themselves?