Living with refugees and living as a refugee are totally
different experiences. After spending almost all my adult life with Afghan
refugees in Pakistan, only at the dawn of old age; I came to realize the
agony of living as a refugee.
The agony deepens in post September 11 Canada, where every
fresh news of secret trials forces one to the rude realization that he is
not only a refugee, but a Muslim as well. Record of the secret trials
confirms that one of the major qualifications is to be a Muslim. It
further eliminates the distinction between citizens and refugees.
The uncertainty gives way to a slough of despondence for
those who can tell from their personal experience as a native elsewhere
that most of the Canadians do not feel the ever growing agony of the
victims.
Afghans are Muslims. They speak the same language and
share the same culture with Pakistanis in the North Western province.
Despite such commonalities, there is a complete silence over Afghan
refugees’ daily physical and psychological degradation. Their public
beating and harassment at the hands of police is a norm. In the light of
this reality, how could one expect the Canadians to feel the pain of
Muslims, where humanity is the only bond between them?
It is, however, the Canadians’ respect for human rights
that attracted many towards Canada. They preferred to live in a society
that promotes and advances the values of democracy, freedom and respect of
fundamental human rights.
Nevertheless, this is very unfortunate that Afghan
refugees in Pakistan — without the privileges of social welfare
assistance, legal aide, health coverage, and even without basic
necessities such as clean water and sanitation in many cases — would feel
more at peace than Muslim citizens in Canada, let alone the helpless
refugees at this time.
The reason for Afghans being at peace in Pakistan is
simple. What they face is not the result of any state policy. They are not
victims of an institutionalized injustice. All they have to pay is Rupees
10, equivalent to 25 Canadian cents, to get rid of the police officers
humiliating and harassing them. However, no one knows if paying top
Canadian lawyers in thousands would save the Muslims facing security
certificates in Canada.
The situation in Pakistan seems far worse because refugees
cannot live without constantly paying the law enforcement officials.
However, the government never poses a threat to their lives. On the other
hand, imagine fate of those who are deported back to death from Canada
without any consideration that things will be far worse, for political
refugees in particular, upon return to their countries with the Canadian
endorsement of their involvement in terrorism.
The fear among Muslims intensifies with each additional
news of arrest and secret trials taking place somewhere in Canada. During
my short stay in Canada, first came the news of Adil Charkaoui’s arrest,
followed by the police brutality against unarmed immigrant protesters and
a ban on his mother and daughter from protesting. The news of the
government decision to deport Palestinian families without any
consideration of the circumstances at their home front was another
surprise in a situation in which, with a conservative estimate, more than
50 percent of the refugees are getting accepted with fake claims.
Last weak, the possibility of the RCMP passing information
to American authorities came to light, which resulted in the arrest of
Maher Arar, a Canadian citizen, in the U.S. last September. His subsequent
deportation to Syria is as painless for the Canada to feel as the secret
trials of others. The pain is left for his family which is not allowed to
visit him for the last three and half months.
Then came the heart rending account of Mohamed Harakt
secret trial without any access to the evidence against him. Matthew
Behrens write up is sufficient to make one think many times to make sure
that he is in Canada and not somewhere around Cuba.
The solid myth of the rule of law in Canada further
shatters when one reads in the same report about Ahani, an Iranian refugee
who spent nine years in Canadian prison on secret "evidence," without
charges or bail, before he was deported back to Iran last year against the
objections of the UN Human Rights Committee. He has disappeared.
For many Canadians these may be trivial, isolated
incidents. However, only those can feel the pain, who clearly see that
Muslims and justice have become the main victim of 9/11. Logically
speaking, when a Southern giant can kill more than 15,000 civilians and
occupy Afghanistan indefinitely without producing a single shred of
evidence, why cannot Canada haul away a few individuals, lock them up on
the grounds of secret evidence for its security.
Irrespective of how much safer Canada would be after these
trials, the very idea of secret trials — whether at Guantanamo bay or in
Canada — is dangerous. The temptation to employ extrajudicial proceedings
to deal with Osama bin Laden and his henchmen is understandable. But by
ruling that suspects fall outside the norms of justice, the Canadian
government has taken it upon itself to establish a prosecutorial channel
that answers to none. The decision is an insult to the values of human
rights and justice incorporated into the Constitution.
After a personal experience of interviews with the CSIS, I
can safely conclude that the evidence against the detained individuals
must be more than the apparent flimsy links, which the media presents as
the ground of their detention. If it were for this much links alone, many
would have ended up facing secret trials by now.
The need, however, is to make the evidence public, or at
least make available to the accused and his lawyers. It would not only
alley fears of Muslims but also save the rulebook of Canadian justice
painstakingly assembled over the course of many centuries.
It is very hard to understand the logic behind the
argument that properly charging the accused or presenting evidence would
endanger Canadian security. To an impartial observer, it is no more than
an attempt to substitute fair trials and due process with a crude system
that any dictator would admire. Even the cruelest dictators that we are
on the run from do not have any system like this in place. They go to the
extent of killing its opponents, but these actions are not given the
color of due process that makes thousands of others to live in constant
fear.
Using secretive trials would ultimately undermine Canadian
interests in the Muslim world by casting doubt on the credibility of a
verdict against suspected Muslims. Moreover, if someone is guilty, what
justification is there for deporting them to their respective countries?
They may well be punished like the convicts of other crimes. No amount of
spinning by public relation teams could overcome the impression that the
verdict had been dictated before these trials began. Reliance on secret
trials also signals a lack of confidence in the case against the suspects
and in the nation's democratic institutions.
Since Muslims are the target of this abuse, I clearly
observe the fear both among those who are in Canada since decades and
those who have not yet been heard by the Refugee Board. All are equally
unwelcome refugees before a system that may consider hearsay, and
evidence, which the regular courts may deem illegally obtained,
permissible in secret trials against anyone of them as a suspect.
Pakistan as a dictatorship and with no system to
institutionally oppress refugees is out of comparison. The US has also
kept prisoners for secret trial away from mainland USA. Regarding Canada,
it is hard for many to decide if the train of their thought, or the
Canadian government itself, is treading a fine line between Guantanamo and
Canada.
A better way to administer justice must be found. In his
opening statement at the trial of Nazi leaders, Robert Jackson, the chief
American prosecutor, warned of the danger of tainted justice. "To pass
those defendants a poisoned chalice is to put it to our lips as well," he
said. Canadian government would be wise to heed those words.
Note:
Behrens, Matthew. "Democracy
Desecrated: The Secret Trial of Mohamed Harkat in Ottawa," Montreal Muslim
News, July 30, 2003.
http://www.montrealmuslimnews.net/harkattrial.htm
Abid Ullah Jan, the
author of
"A War on Islam?,"
is a regular
contributor to
Media Monitors Network (MMN).