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What Israel has done
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by Edward
Said
Despite Israel's effort to
restrict coverage of its extraordinarily destructive invasion of the
West Bank's Palestinian towns and refugee camps, information and images
have nevertheless seeped through. The Internet has provided hundreds of
verbal as well as pictorial eyewitness reports, as has Arab and European
TV coverage, most of it unavailable or blocked or spun out of existence
from the mainstream US media. That evidence provides stunning proof of
what Israel's campaign has actually (has always) been about: the
irreversible conquest of Palestinian land and society. The official line
(which the US, along with nearly every American media commentator has
basically supported) is that Israel has been defending itself by
retaliating for the suicide bombings that have undermined its security
and even threatened its existence. That claim has gained the status of
an absolute truth moderated neither by what Israel has done nor by what
in fact has been done to it.
Plucking out the terrorist
network, destroying the terrorist infrastructure, attacking terrorist
nests (note the total dehumanisation involved in every one of these
phrases): the words are repeated so often and so unthinkingly that they
have therefore given Israel the right to do what it has wanted to do,
which in effect is to destroy Palestinian civil life with as much damage,
as much sheer wanton destruction, killing, humiliation, vandalism,
purposeless but overwhelming technological violence as possible. No other
state on earth could have done what Israel has done with as much
approbation and support as the US has given it. None has been more
intransigent and destructive, less out of touch with its own realities,
than Israel.
There are signs, however, that
the amazing, not to say grotesque, nature of these claims (its "fight for
existence") is slowly being eroded by the harsh and nearly unimaginable
devastation wrought by the Jewish state and its homicidal prime minister,
Ariel Sharon. Take this front-page report, "Attacks Turn Palestinian Plans
Into Bent Metal and Piles of Dust" by the New York Times's Serge
Schmemann (no Palestinian propagandist) on 11 April: "There is no way to
assess the full extent of the damage to the cities and towns -- Ramallah,
Bethlehem, Tulkarm, Qalqilya, Nablus, and Jenin -- while they remain under
a tight siege, with patrols and snipers firing in the streets. But it is
safe to say that the infrastructure of life itself and of any future
Palestinian state -- roads, schools, electricity pylons, water pipes,
telephone lines -- has been devastated." By what inhuman calculus did
Israel's army, using 50 tanks, 250 missile strikes a day, and dozens of
F-16 sorties, besiege Jenin's refugee camp for over a week, a one square
kilometre patch of shacks housing 15,000 refugees and a few dozen men
armed with automatic rifles and with no defences whatever, no leaders, no
missiles, no tanks, nothing, and call it a response to terrorist violence
and the threat to Israel's survival? There are reported to be hundreds
buried in the rubble Israeli bulldozers are now trying to heap over the
camp's ruins.
Are Palestinian civilians,
men, women, children, no more than rats or cockroaches that can be killed
and attacked in the thousands without so much as a word of compassion or
in their defence? And what about the capture of thousands of Palestinian
men who have been taken off by Israeli soldiers without a trace, the
destitution and homelessness of so many ordinary people trying to survive
in the ruins created by Israeli bulldozers all over the West Bank, the
siege that has now gone on for months and months, the cutting off of
electricity and water in all Palestinian towns, the long days of total
curfew, the shortage of food and medicine, the wounded who have bled to
death, the systematic attacks on ambulances and aid workers that even the
mild-mannered Kofi Annan has decried as outrageous? Those actions will not
be pushed so easily into the memory hole. Its friends must ask Israel how
its suicidal policies can possibly gain it peace, acceptance and security.
A monstrous transformation of
an entire people by the most formidable and feared propaganda machine in
the world into little more than "militants" and "terrorists" has allowed
not just Israel's military but its fleet of writers and defenders to
efface a terrible history of suffering and abuse in order to destroy the
civil existence of the Palestinian people with impunity. Gone from public
memory are the destruction of Palestinian society in 1948 and the creation
of a dispossessed people; the conquest of the West Bank and Gaza and their
military occupation since 1967; the invasion of 1982 with its 17,500
Lebanese and Palestinian dead and the Sabra and Shatila massacres; the
continuous assault on Palestinian schools, refugee camps, hospitals, civil
installations of every kind. What anti-terrorist purpose is served by
destroying the building and then removing the records of the Ministry of
Education, the Ramallah Municipality, the Central Bureau of Statistics,
various institutes specialising in civil rights, health and economic
development, hospitals, radio and television stations? Is it not clear
that Sharon is bent not only on "breaking" the Palestinians, but on trying
to eliminate them as a people with national institutions?
In such a context of disparity
and asymmetrical power, it seems deranged to keep asking the Palestinians,
who have neither army, nor air force, nor tanks, nor defences of any kind,
nor functioning leadership, to "renounce" violence, and to require no
comparable limitation on Israel's actions. Even the matter of suicide
bombers, which I have always opposed, cannot be examined from a view point
that permits a hidden racist standard to value Israeli lives over the many
more Palestinian lives that have been lost, maimed, distorted and
foreshortened by long- standing Israeli military occupation, and the
systematic barbarity openly used by Sharon against Palestinians from the
beginning of his career in the 1950s until now.
There can be no conceivable
peace, in my opinion, that does not tackle the real issue: Israel's utter
refusal to accept the sovereign existence of a Palestinian people that is
entitled to rights over what Sharon and most of the people supporting him
consider exclusively to be the land of Greater Israel, i.e. the West Bank
and Gaza. A profile of Sharon in the 6-7 April issue of the Financial
Times concluded with this extremely telling extract from his
autobiography, which the FT prefaced with "he has written with
pride of his parents' belief that Jews and Arabs could live side by side."
Then the relevant quote from Sharon's book: "But they believed without
question that only they had rights over the land. And no one was going to
force them out, regardless of terror or anything else. When the land
belongs to you physically... that is when you have power, not just
physical power but spiritual power."
In l988, the PLO made the
concession that the partition of historical Palestine into two states
would be acceptable. This was reaffirmed on numerous occasions and
certainly again in the Oslo documents. But only the Palestinians
explicitly recognised the notion of partition. Israel never has. This
is why there are now over 170 settlements on Palestinian lands, why a
300-mile network of roads connecting them to each other and totally
impeding Palestinian movement exists (according to Jeff Halper of the
Israeli Committee Against House Demolition, it has cost $3 billion and has
been funded by the US), why no Israeli prime minister, from Rabin on, has
ever conceded any real Palestinian sovereignty to the Palestinians,
and why of course the settlements have increased on an annual basis. The
merest glance at a recent map of the territories reveals what Israel has
been doing throughout the peace process, and what the consequent
geographical discontinuity and shrinkage in Palestinian life has been. In
effect, then, Israel considers itself and the Jewish people to own the
land of Israel in its entirety: there are land ownership laws in Israel
itself guaranteeing this, but on the West Bank and Gaza the network of
settlements, roads, and no concessions whatever on sovereign land rights
to the Palestinians serve the same function.
What boggles the mind is that
no official -- US, Palestinian, Arab, UN, European, or anyone else -- has
challenged Israel on this point, which has been threaded through all of
the Oslo documents, procedures and agreements. That is why, of course,
after nearly 10 years of "peace negotiations," Israel still controls the
West Bank and Gaza. They are more directly controlled (owned?) by over
1,000 Israeli tanks and thousands of soldiers today, but the underlying
principle is the same. No Israeli leader (and certainly not Sharon and his
Land of Israel supporters who are the majority in his government) has
either officially recognised the occupied territories as occupied
territories or gone on to recognise that Palestinians could or might
theoretically have sovereign rights -- that is, without Israeli control
over borders, water, air, security on what most of the world considers
Palestinian land. So to speak about the "vision" of a Palestinian state,
as has become fashionable, is mere vision alas, unless the question of
land ownership and sovereignty is openly and officially conceded by the
Israeli government. No Israeli government ever has made this concession
and, if I am right, none will in the near future. It needs to be
remembered that Israel is the only state in the world today that has never
had internationally declared borders; the only state not the state of its
citizens but of the whole Jewish people; the only state where over 90 per
cent of the land is held in trust for the exclusive use of the Jewish
people. That it is also the only state in the world never to have
recognised any of the main provisions of international law (as argued
recently in these pages by Richard Falk) suggests the depth and structural
knottiness of the absolute rejectionism that Palestinians have had to
face.
This is why I have been
sceptical about discussions and meetings about peace, which is a lovely
word but in the present context simply means that Palestinians will have
to stop resisting Israeli control over their land. It is among the many
deficiencies of Arafat's terrible leadership (to say nothing of the even
more lamentable Arab leaders in general) that he never made the
decade-long Oslo negotiations focus on land ownership, and thus never put
the onus on Israel to declare itself constitutively willing to give up
title to Palestinian land; nor did he ever ask that Israel be required to
deal with any of its responsibility for the sufferings of his
people. Now I worry that he may simply be trying to save himself again,
whereas what we really need are international monitors to protect us, as
well as elections to assure a real political future for the Palestinian
people.
The profound question facing
Israel and its people is this: is it willing juridically to assume the
rights and obligations of being a country like any other, and forswear the
kind of impossible land ownership assertions for which Sharon and his
parents and his soldiers have been fighting since day one? In 1948
Palestinians lost 78 per cent of Palestine. In 1967 they lost the last 22
per cent, both times to Israel. Now the international community must lay
upon Israel the obligation to accept the principle of real, as opposed to
fictional, partition, and to accept the principle of limiting Israel's
untenable extra-territorial claims, those absurd Biblically-based
pretensions, and laws that have so far allowed it to override another
people completely. Why is that kind of fundamentalism tolerated
unquestioningly? But so far all we hear is that Palestinians must give up
violence and condemn terror. Is nothing substantive ever demanded of
Israel? Can it go on doing what it has without a thought for the
consequences? That is the real question of its existence: whether it can
exist as a state like all others, or must always be above the constraints
and duties of all other states in the world today. The record is not
reassuring.
Source:
by courtesy & 2002 Al-Ahram weekly & Edward Said
by the same author:
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