by Ikram Sehgal
In the first flush of victory
contrived by the US for the Northern Alliance in late 2001, the Tajik
animosity against Pakistan had bared itself immediately and ominously.
Within Kabul, Pakistani-origin Talibaan prisoners were summarily executed.
Externally Qanooni, Gen Fahim and Abdullah Abdullah took turns visiting
the Indian capital and lambasting Pakistan from pillar to post. Qanooni
reportedly handed over about 125 Pakistani “Talibaan’ prisoners to India
for use as terrorism’s cannon fodder, eg the Dec 13 attack on Indian
Parliament is widely suspected to be a Polish border-type incident staged
by Indian intelligence. As the US-led Coalition imposed a UN-sponsored
interim set-up in Afghanistan, the Tajik became more sophisticated, their
rage against Pakistan was kept under wraps for international public
consumption, but only just. With late Ahmed Shah Masoud’s cronies holding
the vital portfolios of governance, Interior, Defence and Foreign Affairs,
the “broad-based” Afghan Interim Government is simply a front for the
Tajik-dominated Northern Alliance.
After the convenient betrayal and
execution of the experienced, battle hardened and powerful Pashtun leader
Haji Abdul Rahman, Karzai was a good choice as a compromise figure.
Articulate and presentable but without any power-base worth the name, to
the Tajiks he is an acceptable face representing the Pakhtun majority.
Karzai is apprehensive (a polite word for “ terrified”) about his personal
safety, and it seems so is the US. After one Afghan minister was
bludgeoned to death in full view of hundreds of onlookers by senior
officials of the Northern Alliance as a very public warning to
recalcitrants who attempted to buck the Tajik-run system, Karzai decided
discretion was the better part of valour. His bodyguards now are of US
Government-issue, not a single Afghan among them. Even then Karzai almost
came to grief in home town Kandahar several months ago. Pakistani concerns
that he would eventually be “a puppet on a string” in Tajik hands is a
fact of life.
Countries in the vicinity of
Afghanistan have reasons to be concerned about its internal affairs,
basically instable the country has a tendency of volatility on ethnic
basis. Strictly speaking if this concern is pro-active it should be
counted as interference in a country’s internal affairs but since Pashtuns
are a majority in Afghanistan (67%), Pakistan has a vital interest in
peace and stability on both sides of the Durand Line. Tajikistan,
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are interested parties because roughly 13%, 9%
and 3% of the Afghan population respectively originates from their
areas. There is a sizeable Shia Hazara population (6%) in and around
Bamiyan Province, that gives Iran an interest, around 1970 during the
reign of Shah of Iran and King Zahir Shah relations had broken down
because of Iran’s claim on adjacent Afghan territory. Former occupying
power Russia remains apprehensive, burnt by the Chechnya experience, about
militant Islam‘s penetration into the muslim socialist republics of the
former Soviet Union, re-named the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
but still very much under Russian tutelage.
India recently opened full-fledged
Consulates in Herat, Kandahar and Jalalabad, the last two adjacent to
Pakistan. Pakistan has reasons to be concerned about India’s intentions,
there is no valid logic for opening these diplomatic posts. Their sole
mission is anti-Pakistan, to foment, fund and execute low-intensity
conflict on our western borders and by keeping it alive, force Pakistan to
shift critical military resources away from facing India on our eastern
borders. The Afghan regime has administrative control only in the cities
of Kabul, Kandahar and Jalalabad. Other than Rashid Dostum (in an uneasy
partnership with Mulla Atta Mohammad of the Northern Alliance) holding the
crossroads Mazar-Sharif area and the south- western area in and around
Herat dominated by Ismail Khan, the Pakhtun areas are ruled by a number of
local warlords who made themselves scarce (or gave due obeisance) during
the Taliban regime.
The Afghan warlord earns revenues by
exacting a tax from all those who pass through his territory, Afghanistan
is a predator society. The north is rich in minerals, that is another
source of revenues. Since there is no industry worth the name in the
country, a limited internal commerce is the only source of livelihood.
Ahmed Shah Masood financed his forces through the sales of emeralds found
in and around Panjsheer valley. Other than taxing people and border goods
passing through, Dostum and Ismail Khan went into heroin manufacturing in
a big way before the Taliban regime ran them out of power and eradicated
all drugs manufacturing and trade. They have now returned to the
”lucrative” business as have the Pashtun warlords. This strong partnership
is based on their mutual hatred of the Taliban who put paid not only to
their predator “wild west” ways of life but to a lucrative means of
livelihood. Mandated by the UN as “politicians” most warlords need to keep
their war machines running to have any nuisance value, without genuine
public support “the barrel of the gun” is their electorate. An original
mercenary, the Afghan is notorious for giving loyalty only to his
paymaster, history is witness to Kabul being many times in the hands of
disgruntled soldiers, rioting for their unpaid salaries. The British
Residency was sacked when the Emir of Kabul promised his rebellious
soldiers they would be paid by the British even though they had no
obligation. There is no change in over a hundred and fifty years, the
Afghan cannot be bought, he can only be “rented out by the hour”
While Pakistan has had its share of heroin
smuggling and smugglers in the 80s, but even at the height of the Afghan
war most poppy-growing areas were in Afghanistan. The success of
Pakistan’s Anti-Narcotics Force (ANF), their effort greatly helped by the
Taliban drive to eradicate poppy-growing and heroin manufacturing within
Afghanistan, forced manufactures of heroin into the desolate nether-world
where the borders of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan meet in a triangle.
Iran has lost thousands killed and several times that number wounded in
violent clashes with well-armed convoys of drug smugglers, some equipped
with Stingers.
After the death of Haji Qadeer his son Haji Zahir Khan has taken over, the
other known Pashtun figure Hazrat Khan is in fact a Kohistani, Both have
been involved in armed incursions into Pakistan, these attacks intensified
with the move of our regular troops into tribal areas to weed out the
remnants of the Talibaan who showed some signs of re-grouping. The drug
warlords operating just west of the Durand line fear interdiction by joint
US-Pak collaboration. Since they can hardly take on US firepower, they are
increasingly converting their war of words on Pakistan into gunfire along
our border. Pakistan needs to make our tribal frontier areas economically
strong on a priority basis, the only way is to create a ”Special Tribal
Economic Zone” (STEZ) with Dubai-like logistics to establish a trade
platform for all the Central Asian States and ECO countries.
With Iran intent on waging a proxy war against the US on
Afghan soil and drug warlords infesting the Kabul regime using the Taliban
as an excuse to build their own private armies while blaming their own
incompetence and inability on Pakistan, the situation is ripe for Indian
agent provocateurs to foment anti- Pakistan feeling. Their clear intention
is to engage Pakistan in low-intensity conflict on its western borders.
Meantime, Iran sees Afghanistan as a convenient battleground to fight the
US in proxy war in the same manner they used Pakistani soil to fight the
Saudis in Shia-Sunni conflict through the 80s and 90s.
With the US engaged in trying to eradicate the remnants of Al-Qaeda, the
Afghan government’s anti-Pakistan tirade is providing a perfect
smokescreen for the growing unholy nexus between the Iranians and Indians.
A dangerous new “great game” with wider ramifications is now in play. It
is in both Pakistan and US interest that the warlords are eliminated and a
truly representative government comes to power in Kabul. Remedial reasons
must be taken before a full fledged guerilla war in Afghanistan makes it
difficult to separate the good guys from the bad.
Mr. Ikram Sehgal is
Publisher and Managing Editor of Defence
Journal (Pakistan).
He contributed above article to Media Monitors Network (MMN) from
Sindh, Pakistan.
Source:
by courtesy & © 2003 Ikram Sehgal
by the same author:
