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Decoding 9-11
by John McMurtry
As Samuel
Coleridge long ago advised, suspension of disbelief is the
necessary state of mind for a drama to capture an audience’s
attention. As entertainment pervasively supplants
understanding in global mass culture, suspension of
disbelief regarding 9-11 seamlessly operates by liquidation
of the facts that ground truth.
The long line of repressed facts begins years before 9-11,
most clearly with top-down blockings of F.B.I. agents’
investigations of mounting evidence of a plan for civilian
aircraft hijacking and dive-bombing of major U.S. buildings
- a plan called “Project Bolinka” and known about since
before 1996. These blocks on F.B.I. investigations were so
obstructive that the Deputy-Director of the F.B.I. and its
Director of Anti-Terrorism, John O’Neill, resigned in a
career-sacrificing protest at the top-down interference.
This was before he too revealingly died on 9-11 as the World
Trade Center’s new Director of Security.
There were also explicit warnings from the intelligence
agencies of Sudan, France, Russia and a chorus of other
international sources about the coming 9-11 attack. There
were even statements by “Israeli members of the intelligence
community in the U.S.” that they knew of the attack
beforehand - reports which were not denied by U.S. Secretary
of State Powell when the question arose in a press
conference which I observed on December 18. Perhaps most
remarkably, there had been direct warnings from the
Republican Party’s own past Chief Investigative Council for
the House Judiciary Committee to the closed decision
circuits of Congress and the Bush administration.
Representing F.B.I. special agents suing the U.S. Justice
Department (along with Washington-DC Judicial Watch), David
Philip Schippers reported in Houston on October 10 on the
“Alex Jones Talk Show” that these agents knew of a plan of
bin Laden’s network to attack Lower Manhattan with
“commercial airlines as bombs” long before 9-11, but were
blocked from investigative and preventative action by F.B.I.
and U.S. Justice Department command, and threatened with
prosecution under the National Security Act if they
published this information. Attorney-General Ashcroft
himself, reports Schippers, refused to return calls on this
matter to his fellow senior Republican for four weeks before
9-11.
The mass media,
dominantly owned by military-industrial and infotainment
corporations, declined to report any of these facts. The
inner logic of the shared value ground and decision
structure operating under the deadly phenomena of “America’s
War against Terrorism” runs deeper and wider the more one
looks. In the world of forgotten fact, U.S. logistical and
financial support of terrorist networks and
narcotic-financed “wars of liberation” from Afghanistan to
Kosovo had been systematically fomenting chaos for well over
a decade before 9-11 - the distinguishing strategy of this
empire’s movement of military-political perimeters across
borders. In this case, it involved the CIA’s partnership
with Pakistan’s Intelligence Services (I.S.I.) in financing
and training al Qaeda, the Taliban and the Afghanistan-based
terrorist camps. The I.S.I’s commander in chief, Lt. General
Mahmoud Ahmad was, in another moment of this offstage
decision structure, visiting Washington the week preceding
9-11, and is known to have ordered that $100,000 be wired to
the lead WTC hijacker, Mohammed Atta before that. These
facts do not fit “the whole new reality” that is officially
proclaimed after 9-11, and so the global corporate news
empire communicates only disconnected trivia dominated by
terrorist news to sustain the appropriate audience mood.
What is feared above all in rule of home audiences by
illusion is reversal of public acceptance of the image
structure.[1]
It would take a logbook more to report the full panoply of
failures and stand-downs of standard operating procedures
throughout the highly co-ordinated steps and logistics of
the 9-11 attack, described by a former German Minister of
Technology, Andreas van Buelow, as “unthinkable without
years-long support from secret apparatuses of the state and
industry”. High-level interventions in normal precautionary
routine included years of overriding immigration rules for
U.S. passports to Middle East “freedom fighters” destined
for al Qaeda, U.S. airforce training of Afghani-based
terrorists, non-action on repeated alarms of al Qaeda
terrorist activities threatening the United States and New
York, top-down interdiction of investigation of Saudi royal
funding of al Qaeda, and ignoring of known floods of puts on
affected airline stocks before 9-11 linked to a firm, A.B.
Brown, with high-level C.I.A. management.
The money sequences, arms and illegal narcotics connections
all bore a familiar pattern. What connected them was their
ruling moral syntax whose portrayed meaning is “protecting
the Free World”. But the last steps on the stage were across
the open heavens and difficult to conceal. Although U.S.
airforce interceptions of hijacked planes are normally only
minutes-long, there was a stand-down of these automatic
interception actions for all of the hijacked planes of 9-11,
without one airforce plane turning a wheel for over two
hours. The terrorists circled jumbo jets known to be
hijacked around the military air-command’s front yard
airspace until after all three of the buildings had been
dive-bombed. Yet no disciplinary process nor formal
investigation by the Pentagon, the F.B.I., Congress or the
mass media was undertaken despite all the stunning breaches
of defence routine, which together provided an open passage
for the long-planned attack.
None of these connected gaping holes in the official story
have been followed up in the received media. One reason for
this is that from the first moment of the 9-11 aftermath all
attention was, instead, rivetted on the claimed threat of an
Islamic-based plot to “destroy America”. No sooner had the
9-11 disaster sunk in than “the anthrax attack” then
followed. Not even the known genetic signature of an
official U.S. source for the anthrax sent to Democrat Senate
majority leader, Tom Daischle, registered as a fact over the
weeks of terror that followed. Throughout, the inertial
acquiescence of the terrorist-occupied mass mind remained
intact. What goes against the grain of conditioning is
experienced as not credible, or as a hostile act.
As a philosopher,
I am not interested in “conspiracy theories”, the favoured
term to invalidate questions about 9-11. I am interested in
the deeper question of the life-and-death principles of
regulating value systems which connect across and explain
social orders. In the wider lens of investigation of the
normative regime of a civilisation, the pattern of 9-11
decisions is linked to a larger historical pattern. This
larger pattern included U.S. plans prior to 9-11 to invade
Afghanistan for long-stated geostrategic reasons of Middle
Asia oil, forward military bases, and political axes of
control. It included as well the U.S.’s successful strategic
plan for Soviet Union collapse a decade before that - a
collapse which was precipitated by the multi-billion dollar
strategic, financial and armaments support by the U.S.
National Security Agency and the C.I.A. of the same
Afghanistan fundamentalist factions and warlords as plotted
9-11, including Osama bin Laden. These “moral equivalents of
the founding fathers”, as U.S. president Reagan then called
them, were U.S.-supported terrorist rings who were also
later involved in training, armed support and
narcotics-route partnership with the KLA (“Kosovo Liberation
Army”) insurrection in Yugoslavia, as well as in Russia’s
Chechnya province. Interestingly, it was only when the
formerly favoured Taliban faction suddenly shut down over
90% of Afghanistan’s opium production for the global market
in 2001, as UN officials confirmed in March 2002, that the
Taliban was declared America’s mortal enemy and all its
known positions bombed for months on end - while the opium
that remained growing was concentrated in the areas
controlled by the newly favoured Northern Alliance.
With the transnational opium market on the covert side of
the new business, and the vast new oil and gas fields for
Texas control on the overt side, the “expanding global
market” has a deeper meaning than yet spoken. “Who cares
about wetlands and the environment any more?” proclaimed the
New York Times in the post-9-11 ghost-town of public
affairs. Yet the price of oil kept sliding in the world
market - to only $16 a barrel in November after all these
victories against “Islamic terrorism” had been won. So a
threatened war against Iraq unfurled from the strategic
planning of the oil-man Whitehouse to select for better
outcomes. Declaration of imminent war on Iraq soon righted
the pattern. It focussed all attention on another shadow of
the Other whose omnipresent threat is always necessary to
sustain a deranged order of rule, and it almost doubled the
price of oil to over $27 in April - with the still 95%
publicly-owned oilfields of Iraq as the ultimate prize.
Behind all the shadows dancing on the wall of the global
media screen is one constant - the deranged value system
determining the decisions from behind. It silently regulates
“Free World” approval and disapproval across borders with an
actually regulating meaning of “our values and way of life”
whose inner logic is morally insane.
“Who benefits?” is a standard forensic question which helps
to clarify the meaning of acts of commission and omission.
One of the prime connecting interests of “the great game”
being played here is the vast and largely untapped mineral
deposits across the entire third world of continuing crises
and wars. Political chaos is a prime strategic pattern of
this resource rule - from Latin American death-squads
through sub-Sahara African wars to South-East Asian covert
armies and invasions. In this case, there was also the U.S.
off-stage government’s threat of a “carpet of bombs” for
Afghanistan before September 11 if the formerly U.S.-favoured
Taliban faction could or did not expedite the long-planned
Unocal oil pipelines through Afghanistan to Central Asia’s
vast oil and gas fields. This prime value objective was
quickly confirmed for construction with the Pakistani
Minister of Oil on October 10 as soon as the bombing of
Afghanistan had been accepted by the official world. The
newly installed Afghanistan government’s support for the
U.S. oil consortium was then certain after that, because
Afghanistan’s newly appointed interim Prime Minister, Hamid
Karzai, is known to be a friend of U.S. oil interests, the
CIA and specifically a former Unocal representative to
Afghanistan.
In short, the more the dots of the officially unmentioned
facts are tracked in their interlocking frame across time
and place, the more the lines of their connection reveal a
deep structure of values, choice and consequence which
crosses national borders as the universalising logic of a
civilisation’s moral corruption. “America is at war” has a
meaning which has not yet been understood. As long as it is
not comprehended, it will continue to command its allies to
loot and destroy the planet, now all under cover as “the
free world’s war against terrorism”.
An illustration
explains the closure of the fanatic moral syntax. When the
U.S. president immediately identified the 9-11 terrorist
attack as “a declaration of war”, his categorical assertion
was certain and officially accepted as certain by obedient
allies like Canada although there was no international law
or norm which justified this official designation. Here as
elsewhere, an absolutist group think rules above the law and
beneath it, and is what the law itself is selectively
enforced or disregarded in terms of. That the saturating
declaration of “war against America” by an enemy that could
not be found and who came from another country than the one
to be bombed did not occasion reflection. Nor did the fact
that international law requires invading forces to be
repelled to justify such an attack across another nation’s
borders.
True to the comportment of the fanatic mindset, the
imperviousness to due process or evidence overrode the
indisputable fact that the subsequent U.S. bombing and
invasion of peasant Afghanistan 8000 miles from its borders
was itself a major war crime. None of these issues can
register to this fundamentalist value set. For it is
structured to militantly repudiate or deny whatever evidence
questions its validity, including the number of innocent
civilians maimed and killed by the “historic triumph” of the
superpower’s attacks on one of the world’s poorest
countries. Official and media representation only manages
public perception to justify what cannot be wrong. Since
this value system is not connected to life interests beyond
its commands, no problem can arise to it. That the war which
followed 9-11 bombed a distant and starving people, that it
knowingly stopped food supplies from reaching the rapidly
increasing millions of famine victims, that it disrupted
planting of the next year’s crops, that it terrorised the
majorities of the larger cities to flee into homelessness,
that it directly killed by far more innocent civilians than
were killed on September 11, and that its carpet-bomb
invasion caused the deaths of countless innocent children
and uprooted millions - none of these facts could be
perceived through the lenses of the ruling moral syntax as
facts.
This regulating mindset resonated across the world.
Murderous and dictatorial regimes across continents
proclaimed their wars against their own people as
“anti-terrorist”, with the mullah tyranny of Iran crushing
the rising democracy movement in another variation on the
theme. General Ariel Sharon as Prime Minister then led
Israel into more war crimes under the same banner, wantonly
destroying entire villages and cities as “terrorist
infrastructure” and shooting civilians on sight, punctuated
by endless lectures from U.S. and Israeli pulpits to the
Palestinian leader Arafat, surrounded by tanks and without
electricity, to “stop the terrorism”.
Meanwhile back in the comfortable world at a safe distance
from the agonies of poor peoples living in strategic zones
of the U.S. empire, there is bored certitude of the
rightness of the cause within the ruling value set of the
“terrorist Enemy” and the “free and democratic world”. Like
the rules of the game to the players - and “the great game”
is the language of the ascendant players themselves - its
rules are not an issue they can think of inside the game.
They can only calculate what maximises their own places and
guaranteed investment returns. The truth thus comes
increasingly to be only an issue of when the cheque clears,
and how much more of the globe is made subject to
transnational money-sequencing. In this way, the
English-speaking world acquiesces step by step in a pattern
of fanatic absolutism not witnessed since the fascist
interregnum.
John McMurtry is Professor of
Philosophy at the University of Guelph, Ontario and a Fellow
at the Royal Society of Canada. He was also Chair of
Jurists, War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity Tribunal at
the Alternative World Summit in Toronto, 1989. McMurtry's
professional work has been published in over 150 books and
journals, ranging from Inquiry, the Monist, the Canadian
Journal of Philosophy, Praxis International, and the
Encyclopedia of Ethics to the Atlantic Monthly, the Guardian
Weekly and the Norton Anthology of Prose.
This article, "Decoding 9-11" is adapted from the Preface of
John McMurtry’s forthcoming book "VALUE WARS: THE GLOBAL
MARKET VERSUS THE LIFE ECONOMY" to be released this August
(London: Pluto Press, 2002).
McMurtry reads from this article with some additional
commentary in an online video by Snowshoe Documentary Films,
at
http://www.snowshoefilms.com/index.html.
[1] These
facts and those in the following two paragraphs are most
comprehensively documented by Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed, Director of the
Institute for Policy Research and Development, in his valuable
200-page study, The War On Freedom: Causes and Consequences of 9-11
(Brighton U.K.: 2002). [This book is now available as a 400-page
study, “THE WAR ON FREEDOM: HOW AND WHY AMERICA WAS ATTACKED,
SEPTEMBER 11, 2001”,
www.thewaronfreedom.com.]
Buy
the related book (s) now:
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