My brother in-law Labib runs the Palestinian Bible
Society. With its main office in east Jerusalem, the Society works in
Bethlehem, Ramallah and Nablus, and has an office and a bookstore in the
center of Gaza City.
Due to the current situation, the manager of the
bookstore has been back home in the West Bank ever since the closure.
Not that he has been any safer, as shells have fallen not far from his
home in Beit Sahour.
Travel from the West Bank to Gaza is impossible. The
idea of getting the manager to cross into Jordan and fly into Gaza was
nixed once Gaza International Airport was closed. Last week, Labib
thought he would go to Gaza just to check that the store had not been
damaged by recent Israeli shelling.
Normally Labib, a resident of Jerusalem, is allowed into
Gaza. This time however, the Israelis at the Erez checkpoint would not
let him in. They say that the army has issued a blanket order forbidding
any Israeli from entering Gaza, and as a resident of Jerusalem, Labib is
technically considered an Israeli.
The ban was, of course, not limited to east
Jerusalemites. Others, including Palestinian citizens of Israel, were
also banned, including a delegation of Israeli-Arab Knesset members. MK
Ahmed Tibi (Arab Movement for Renewal), who recently helped broker the
unsuccessful cease-fire agreement between Regional Cooperation Minister
Shimon Peres and Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat, was among
those refused entry.
In defending the ban on the normally immune Knesset
members, Israel Radio quoted an Israeli
official as saying that it was for the safety of all Israelis.
In times of conflict and danger, countries issue travel
advisories, warning people not to travel to certain trouble spots,
and at times of high danger, they make it a crime for their
citizens to travel to danger zones. That was the case with regard
to Americans visiting Lebanon for many years. But what is curious
is that this attempt to shield people from danger is conspicuously
absent as far as Jewish settlers living in the occupied
territories are concerned.
In 33 years of occupation, no Israeli official has ever
advised Jewish settlers not to travel to the West Bank or to the Gaza
Strip. Certainly no Israeli government or military official has ever
physically barred settlers from entering these "dangerous"
areas. The Israeli army does demand that settlers coordinate their
travel schedules, and at times of danger provides military
escorts.
In the propaganda war that parallels the shooting,
bombing and shelling of Palestinians, Israel and its apologists
continuously attack Palestinians for allowing children into the battle
zone. Israeli spin doctors even go as far as to claim that Palestinian
officials, and even parents, literally push their children to the front
lines so that they can get killed, and therefore rack up PR points for
the Palestinians.
Last week, the father of a boy killed in Ramallah
explained in an interview how he had been unable to keep his son locked
up at home. He had literally brought him home 10 times, only to have his
son go back out, with his latest outing becoming his last.
Palestinian Minister of Culture and Information Yasser
Abed Rabo also stated last week that the Palestinian police have been
instructed to keep children under 16 away from the areas of
confrontation.
But Jewish settlers are not even asked to stay away,
despite the fact that all the violence is taking place around the
settlements.
Palestinians and Israelis are getting killed in what
seems to be the struggle for settlements, many of which Israel has
privately indicated it wishes to leave.
Jewish leaders have often repeated the statement that it
is better to save life than land. The futile defense of these Jewish
settlements is a perfect example of life being wasted for the protection
of these buildings surrounded by endless barbed wire.
In recent days the Israeli Peace Now movement has called
these settlements a burden on the Israeli army. In large ads published
in the press - including the Palestinian press – it has called on
Prime Minister Ehud Barak to withdraw from many of these
settlements.
For the sake of 400 Jewish settlers in Hebron, 30,000
Palestinians have been placed under curfew for weeks. In Gaza, where
3,000 settlers are living on one third of the land of the tiny Gaza
Strip, there is little logic in holding on to these settlements. In the
Camp David II talks, Israel indicated that it plans to quit all the Gaza
settlements.
The time is now ripe for uprooting some of the
settlements as a goodwill gesture. Certainly those like Netzarim and
Kfar Darom must go immediately. Too many Palestinians and Israelis have
died or been injured around these strategically and religiously useless
settlements. The same applies to settlements in the West Bank like
Psagot near Ramallah, Rachel's Tomb at the entrance to Bethlehem, and
others.
In the negotiations over the implementation of the Oslo
Agreement, Palestinians pleaded with the late prime minister Yitzhak
Rabin to withdraw from Netzarim and Kfar Darom in the middle of densely
populated Gaza, but to no avail. Rabin claimed, then, that he had
promised not to withdraw from any settlements during the interim
phase.
Now that the interim phase is over, there is no reason
why these settlements, built provocatively in the center of populated
Palestinian areas, should stay. Certainly, in the interest of saving
lives, these withdrawals should be made immediately.
If for any reason the Israelis don't want to look weak
by simply leaving these settlements, they can opt to have them turned
over to a neutral third party for safekeeping, until the
permanent-status talks can produce a peace treaty that deals with the
future of all settlements. But to keep Israeli soldiers protecting them,
and to have to escort civilians under army protection in and out of
them, is simply a formula for the continued bloodshed of
Palestinians and Israelis.
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