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Posted: April 12, 2002

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Occupied Palestine and the Politics of Terrorism
Post-Modern Colonialism, Suicidal Rage and the Propaganda System

by Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed
Colonial Power in the Middle East and its Ideological Base
 
Israel is under terror. As long as the terror continues, there cannot be any negotiations for peace. The biggest single obstacle to negotiations is the escalating spate of Palestinian suicide bombings against Israeli civilian targets. The suicide bombers are under Arafat’s control. Arafat refuses to reign in his fanatical suicide bombers, illustrating the insincerity of his calls for a peace settlement. Hence, it is Palestinians who are fundamentally responsible for the ongoing war, for the violence, for the killing of innocents, and for the failure to come to a peaceful and equitable resolution of the conflict. Until Palestinian terror ceases, Israel must continue to defend itself against the violence through targeted military action.
 
These are the basic terms of almost all discussion of the Middle East conflict as framed by the mainstream media, promulgated by the Bush administration, and ultimately advocated by the Zionist State of Israel. The harsh reality of the matter is that these terms have been fabricated by the dominant powers in this conflict, in the pursuit of their own regional interests. The losers in this unconscionable process of deception, have invariably been primarily the Palestinian people as a whole, and secondarily, Israeli civilians.
 
According to the Orthodox Jewish institution the Central Rabbinical Congress in the U.S. and Canada, and its affiliate group Neturei Karta, the American media, “make it look like all Jewry and their rabbis are Zionists, but this is false propaganda. The most important rabbis, and the majority of religious Jewry are opposed to Zionism, but their voice is not heard because of Zionist control of the American news media.” Neturei Karta blames “relentless Zionist pressure” for “stifling” the larger Jewish community into silence. “The rabbis who have stood fast against the onslaught of Zionism are not consulted by the press, they have no public relations departments to give out news releases, they do not have the pompous commentators of the airwaves or the partisan editorial writers at their disposal.”
 
The respected journal, the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, observes that: “Were it not coming from a Jewish group, this statement undoubtedly would evoke charges of anti-Semitism from the Zionists, and perhaps from the media as well…
 
“Precisely on target, their observation serves as an unambiguous indictment of the one-sided and severely biased American media when it comes to Israel and the Middle East. Despite almost three decades of making known their contrarian interpretations in both English and Hebrew, Neturei Karta and the Rabbinical Congress, both serious and weighty institutions, remain virtually unknown in the United States.”[1]
 
Also virtually unknown, not only in the U.S., but also in the United Kingdom and the other Western countries, are the basic facts about the Middle East conflict, behind the veil of Zionist propaganda. These facts will be documented here, in an effort to dissect and demolish the official propaganda line of the Israeli regime indicated above.
 
Before doing so, however, the motives behind the pro-Israeli agenda of the United States government and media must be understood. They can in fact be easily understood once we take into account the strategic role that the State of Israel plays in U.S. - and British - regional planning for the control of Middle East resources. Retired Israeli General Shlomo Gazit, former head of Military Intelligence and West Bank Administrator, explicitly described Israel’s role as protector of U.S. interests, by playing the role of watchdog over the Arab client regimes:
 
“[After the Cold War] Israel’s main task has not changed at all, and it remains of crucial importance. Its location at the center of the Arab Muslim Middle East predestines Israel to be a devoted guardian of the existing regimes: to prevent or halt the processes of radicalization and to block the expansion of fundamentalist religious zealotry.”
 
According to Gazit, Israel asserts its right to intervene militarily in any Arab state facing “threats of revolt, whether military or popular, which may end up by bringing fanatical and extremist elements to power in the states concerned…
 
“The existence of such threats has no connection with the Arab-Israeli conflict. They exist because the regimes find it difficult to offer solutions to their socio-economic ills. But any development of the described kind is apt to subvert the existing relations between Israel and this or that from among its neighbors.”
 
He thus elaborates on the implications in relation to regional U.S. and Western interests: “In the aftermath of the disappearance of the USSR as a political power with interests of its own in the region a number of Middle Eastern states lost a patron…
 
“A vacuum was thus created, leading to the region’s instability. Under such conditions the Israeli role as a strategic asset guaranteeing a modicum of stability in the entire Middle East did not dwindle or disappear but was elevated to the first order of magnitude. Without Israel, the West would have to perform this role by itself, when none of the existing superpowers really could perform it, because of various domestic and international constraints. For Israel, by contrast, the need to intervene is a matter of survival.”[2]
 
The ramifications of this policy can be discerned from the admission in May 1973 by the Senate’s ranking oil expert, Senator Henry Jackson. Jackson stressed the necessity of “the strength and Western orientation of Israel on the Mediterranean and Iran [under the Shah] on the Persian Gulf”. Israel and Iran were “reliable friends of the United States” who, along with Saudi Arabia “have served to inhibit and contain those irresponsible and radical elements in certain Arab states... who, were they free to do so, would pose a grave threat indeed to our principle sources of petroleum in the Persian Gulf”, which are needed primarily as a reserve and a lever for control of the global economy.[3]
 
In other words, Israel is to play the role of a regional proxy force serving to “inhibit” and “contain” the other Middle East regimes by posing a constant military threat. Consequently, the entire region remains under the hegemony of the Western powers under U.S. leadership in accordance with their interests in the unimpeded control of regional resources.
 
That U.S. support of Israel is intrinsically bound up with the desire to consolidate a global system of politico-economic relations under U.S. control - geared to meet primarily U.S., and secondarily Western, interests (at the expense of the people of non-Western countries) – is clear from strategic planning for the Middle East by the Western powers after the Second World War. For instance, the leader of the colonial Empire of that era, the United Kingdom, noted that the Middle East is “a vital prize for any power interested in world influence or domination”, since control of the world’s oil reserves also means control of the world economy.[4] By 1953, a fledgling superpower-to-be – the United States - had its own designs for world domination. A declassified secret documents records that: “United States policy is to keep the sources of oil in the Middle East in American hands.”[5] Clearly, the United States aimed to dominate and control Middle East affairs to ensure its monopoly over regional resources, namely, oil, thus ensuring its leverage over the world economy, and thus consolidating its global hegemony. Britain and the other Western powers would be drawn in as collaborators in this process, with the former playing the role of a junior partner with the U.S.
 
U.S.-Western policy in the Middle East entailed that any movement threatening Western domination of the region had to be put down. In 1958, a secret British document articulated this policy and its ramifications, which included the demolition of “Arab nationalism”, meaning the indigenous population’s desire for self-determination:
 
“The major British and other Western interests in the Persian Gulf [are] (a) to ensure free access for Britain and other Western countries to oil produced in States bordering the Gulf; (b) to ensure the continued availability of that oil on favourable terms and for surplus revenues of Kuwait; (c) to bar the spread of Communism and pseudo-Communism in the area and subsequently to defend the area against the brand of Arab nationalism.”[6]
 
The antipathy to “Arab nationalism” is a relic of colonial policy after the First World War. The British Empire aimed to dismantle Ottoman Turkey, which had been the Muslim caliphate for four centuries. The region encompassed by the Ottoman caliphate included and integrated the areas of Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine, Jordan and much of Saudi Arabia. Islam was naturally the basis of unity of the caliphate, and to counteract this unity the Western powers perpetuated local divisions among the Arabs. This was achieved by relying on pro-West Arab leaders with local tribal or religious followings to promote the division of the Ottoman Empire. None of these leaders, however, had a claim to popular leadership. The plans of how to sponsor uprisings were improvised by British officers in the Arab Bureau in Cairo. According to Sir Arthur Hirtzel of the India Office, British aims were to divide Arabs not unify them.
 
The Western powers eventually succeeded in breaking up the Arab world into several impotent client regimes, an exceedingly chaotic and bloody programme that included the literal creation of twelve previously non-existent nations. The arbitrary creation of borders within what was formerly a single empire, defined the fledgling nation-states and successfully carved the region into several divided segments. In all of these fictional nation-states, pro-West leaders were forcefully installed to execute Western instructions. Since the objective of this programme included unimpeded access to regional resources (oil) in opposition to the wishes of the populations, it necessarily involved the provocation of force to manipulate the political environment and ensure the establishment of impotent client-regimes whose social and economic administration was subservient to Western interests. This inevitably resulted in the impoverishment and repression of the Arab people under their newly formed illegitimate governments. Due to this programme which involved a series of political, economic and cultural manipulations, these regimes became dependent on the West for their sheer survival in all significant respects.[7] After the Second World War, the United States replaced the United Kingdom as the dominant power in the Middle East. By the 1970s, the CIA successfully established close political and economic ties with these repressive Arab regimes.[8]
 
It is these same illegitimate Arab client-regimes referred to by the former Director of Israeli Military Intelligence, General Gazit, over which the State of Israel has been placed as a regional watchdog or “guardian”. In this context, Israel is an essential military-strategic pivot in the subordination of the Middle East to U.S.-Western interests – an extension of the colonial system, and of the colonial policies that originally contributed to the fragmentation of the Arab region at the beginning of the 20th Century.
 
It is because of this broad, overriding strategy, designed to secure U.S. and Western interests in the Middle East, that the U.S. and Western media most often systematically toe the Zionist line. The corporate-dominated structure of the Western mass media means that the media as an institution is thoroughly inseparable from the profit-orientated considerations of the power elite. As a consequence, the Western governments’ agenda in the Middle East - which results in their staunch support of the State of Israel as a regional watchdog for U.S.-led Western interests - is motivated by economic interests that are linked directly to the U.S. desire to consolidate its global hegemonic power, interests secured through the activities of U.S./Western transnational corporations: the same corporations that hold dominant sway over the tendencies in reporting of the mass media. As noted by Ben Bagdikian - former Dean at the Graduate School of Journalism at the University of California, and a winner of almost every top award in U.S. journalism, including the Pulitzer Prize:
 
“In an authoritarian society there is a ministry, or a commissar, or a directorate that controls what everybody will see and hear. We call that a dictatorship. Here we have a handful of very powerful corporations led by a handful of very powerful men and women who control everything we see and hear beyond the natural environment and our own families. That’s something which surrounds us every day and night. If it were one person we’d call that a dictatorship, a ministry of information.”[9]
 
Lie No. 1: Israel is under terror. As long as the terror continues, there cannot be any negotiations for peace
 
The myth of Israel’s victim-hood is consistently propagated by the regime to justify its illegal and increasingly brutal occupation of Palestine. The myth is achieved by the constant repetition, and distortion, of the following: the State of Israel is under siege from Palestinian terrorists embarking on incessant suicide missions, resulting in the mass terrorisation of Israeli civilians.
 
The picture of Israel as a victim, rather than a perpetrator of terrorism, can only emerge from a presupposed pro-Israeli agenda, which focuses principally on the killing of Israelis by Palestinian suicide bombers, while completely blocking out all consciousness of the killing of Palestinians by the Israeli Army (Israeli Defence Force [IDF]). This attempt to comprehensively block out the facts from public awareness is actively undertaken by the Israeli government and its Western supporters. The philosophy here is quite simple: Out of Sight = Out of Mind. Hence, the historical record, along with the factual context of contemporary developments, is almost entirely erased from public consciousness.
 
To understand the reality, it is essential to look at and compare the entire spectrum of violence committed by all actors within the conflict. Only in this way can the reality and scale of terrorism on both sides be clarified, and responsibility for the violence be thus proportionally assigned. This should be done comprehensively - drawing together the historical and contemporary record of conflict between Israeli and Palestinian actors.
 
We may begin with the current crisis. The Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, which is based in Jerusalem, reports that: “Since Israel began its invasions into Palestinian refugee camps on February 27, dozens of unarmed Palestinian civilians have been killed, including children and medical personnel…
 
“In every city and refugee camp that they have entered, IDF soldiers have repeated the same pattern: indiscriminate firing and the killing of innocent civilians, intentional harm to water, electricity and telephone infrastructure, taking over civilian houses, extensive damage to civilian property, shooting at ambulances and prevention of medical care to the injured.
 
“The grave results have not caused the IDF to change its course of action. Israeli policymakers knew the grave price to the civilian population after the incursion into the first refugee camp. Yet they continue to engage in actions that constitute grave breaches of international humanitarian law.”[10]
 
According to authoritative statistical data on the number of fatalities for both Israelis and Palestinians published and endorsed by B’Tselem, between the beginning of the Intifada (9th December 1987) and the end of January 2002, a total of 2,166 Palestinian civilians were killed by Israeli security forces and settlers. In the same period, a total of 454 Israeli civilians were killed by Palestinians.[11]
 
Thus, the approximate ratio of fatalities between Palestinians and Israelis for this period is 5:1. In other words, Israeli violence resulting in death against Palestinians is approximately 5 times that of Palestinian violence resulting in death against Israelis.
 
Statistical data on the number of injuries on both sides is an even more damning indictment of the Israeli role. According to data produced by the Palestine Red Crescent Society for the period between 29th September 2002 and 6th April 2002 – and endorsed as reliable by B’Tselem – the total number of Palestinians (mostly civilians) seriously injured by Israeli use of live ammunition, rubber/plastic bullets, tear gas, shrapnel and bomb fragments amounts to 18,761.[12] In the same period, the total number of Israeli casualties (again, mostly civilians) amounts to 427. Thus, the ratio of casualties between Palestinians and Israelis is a shocking 44:1. In other words, Israeli violence against Palestinians resulting in civilian casualties is 44 times that of Palestinian violence against Israelis.[13]
 
The only logical conclusion one can draw from this analysis is that the statistical data proves very clearly that Israel bears overwhelming responsibility for violence and terrorism in this conflict, as a matter of record. The implications have been duly noted by respected observers, such as the Israeli Political Sociologist Dr. Lev Grinberg, Director of the Humphrey Institute for Social Research at Ben Gurion University (Beersheva). He describes how Israeli State terrorism in the Occupied Territories is condoned by the international community, and repackaged through the media as “self-defence”:
 
“What is the difference between State terrorism and individual terrorist acts? If we understand this difference we’ll understand also the evilness of the U.S. policies in the Middle East and the forthcoming disasters. When Yassir Arafat was put under siege in his offices and kept hostage by the Israeli occupation forces, he was constantly pressed into condemning terror and combatting terrorism. Israel’s State-terrorism is defined by U.S. officials as ‘self-defense’, while individual suicide bombers are called terrorists.
 
“The only small difference is that Israeli aggression is the direct responsibility of Ariel Sharon, Benjamin Ben Eliezer, Shimon Peres and Shaul Mofaz, while the individual terrorist acts are done by individuals in despair, usually against Arafat’s will. One hour after Arafat declared his support of a cease fire and wished the Jews a Happy Passover feast, a suicide bomber exploded himself in an hotel in Netanya, killing 22 innocent Jews celebrating Passover. Arafat was blamed as responsible for this act, and the present IDF offensive has been justified through this accusation.
 
“At the same time, Sharon’s responsibility for Israeli war crimes is being completely ignored. Who should be arrested for the targeted killing of almost 100 Palestinians? Who will be sent to jail for the killing of more than 120 Palestinian paramedics? Who will be sentenced for the killing of more than 1,200 Palestinians and for the collective punishment of more than 3,000,000 civilians during the last 18 months? And who will face the International Tribunal for the illegal settlement of occupied Palestinian Lands, and the disobedience of UN decisions for more than 35 years?”[14]
 
Lie No. 2: The biggest single obstacle to negotiations is the escalating spate of Palestinian suicide bombings against Israeli civilian targets
 
Having undertaken a comparative analysis of the violence by all actors in the conflict, it is clear that this statement obfuscates the nature of the crisis. The vast majority of acts of terrorism are committed by the State of Israel against Palestinians in the Occupied Territories. The mass terrorisation of the Palestinian people by the Israeli Defence Force far outweighs in scale and impact Palestinian suicide bombings in Israel. As Ben Gurion University Sociologist Dr. Grinberg notes: “Suicide bombs killing innocent citizens must be unequivocally condemned; they are immoral acts, and their perpetrators should be sent to jail. But they cannot be compared to State terrorism carried out by the Israeli Government…
 
“The former are individual acts of despair of a people that sees no future, vastly ignored by an unfair and distorted international public opinion. The latter are cold and ‘rational’ decisions of a State and a military apparatus of occupation, well equipped, financed and backed by the only superpower in the world.
 
“Yet in the public debate, State terrorism and individual suicide bombs are not even considered as comparable cases of terrorism. The State terror and war crimes perpetrated by the Israeli Government are legitimized as ‘self-defense’, while Arafat, even under siege, is demanded to arrest ‘terrorists’.
 
“I want to ask: Who will arrest Sharon, the person directly responsible for the orders to kill Palestinians? When is he going to be defined a terrorist too? How long will the world ignore the Palestinian cry that all they want is freedom and independence? When will it stop neglecting the fact that the goal of the Israeli Government is not security, but the continued occupation and subjugation of the Palestinian people?”[15]
 
It is absurd to imagine that such a grueling and brutal occupation that consists not only of military violence, but also of socio-economic repression, can continue without the indigenous population resisting that occupation with military force. Violence breeds violence, and terrorism against a civilian population under occupation will elicit a military response as a matter of that population’s legitimate attempt to defend itself and repel the occupying invader. The leading American Jewish journalist Ellen Cantarow - who between 1979 and 1989 reported for the Village Voice, Inquiry, Mother Jones, and other U.S. newspapers from Israel and the West Bank – describes how during those years she witnessed “on the ground the rapid growth of Israel’s settlements and the seizure of Palestinian land and water for them: today over half the West Bank’s resources now are in Israel’s hands. (About a third of Gaza’s resources have suffered the same fate.) …
 
“I conducted in-depth interviews with ultra-right-wing settlers and settler-leaders whose cry was: ‘Let them bow their heads, or let Israel expel them’. I interviewed Palestinian villagers who had suffered settler vigilante actions and read accounts of these by Israeli-Jewish reporters of conscience in Ha’aretz and other Israeli papers. 
 
“These vigilante actions ran the whole gamut: wanton destruction of property and crops, rampages through villages with cries of ‘Death to the Arabs’ and smashing of car windows, casual in-the-street humiliation of Palestinian civilians, beatings, murder. Within Israel I witnessed the increasing polarization of Israeli society by the occupation; the growing, virulent racism of new generations. Take, for instance, the Moroccan Jews in Kiryat Shemona, members of Menachem Begin's voting base about whom I wrote for the Village Voice in 1982 and who most commonly told me, ‘The only good Arab is a dead Arab’.
 
“Throughout Israel’s 34 years of occupation, collective punishment for the alleged acts of individuals have been the order of the day - for example, 23-hour-a-day curfews lasting for weeks on end; the bulldozing of homes.”
 
Most shocking of all, Cantarow reports that the IDF is administrating a system of institutionalised racial discrimination – an apartheid system – in the Occupied Territories:
 
“On all my stays in the West Bank I personally witnessed the casual, daily humiliation of Palestinians at Israeli checkpoints; the casual landscape and social scenery of apartheid (the most obvious and continual manifestations were the checkpoints with differing treatment of Palestinians on the one hand; Israeli Jews and internationals on the other, and the different color of license plates - blue for Palestinians, yellow for Israelis). I interviewed villagers whose homes had been blown up and/or bulldozed by Israeli soldiers. I heard accounts by men and women jailed, abused, and tortured in Israel’s prisons.”[16]
 
It is this brutal and repressive system of apartheid occupation, continuing and intensifying for decades, which has increasingly aggravated and provoked tensions among a suppressed people – the Palestinians – whose last, most devastating available means of responding to the massive technological violence of the Israeli military onslaught is the simple suicide bomber. It is a matter of record that Palestinian military resistance has intensified in direct response to the escalation of Israeli State terrorism against Palestinian civilians. As numerous respected commentators have observed, the intensifying resistance to Israel’s illegal apartheid occupation is a direct consequence of the continuation and intensification of that occupation, and the consolidation of apartheid. Cantarow observes:
 
“During the time I was reporting, stone-throwing and street demonstrations were what brought collective punishment [by the IDF]. Suicide bombing is a post-Oslo phenomenon triggered by the doubling of settlement population after the accords were signed and by the dawning realization that Oslo consolidated a South African-style plan for permanent Bantustanization of the West Bank.”[17]
 
In other words, the rise of militancy among Palestinian resistance groups is a direct consequence of the provocation provided by daily Israeli terrorism – and the scale of such militancy is barely enough to rival the scale of Israeli terrorism. New York Times correspondent Chris Hedges, former Jerusalem-based Middle East Bureau Chief for the Dallas Morning News from 1988-1990 and former Cairo-based Middle East Bureau Chief for the New York Times from 1991-1995, noted that:
 
If Oslo had led, as many had hoped, to a two state solution, and thereby given Palestinians some glimmer of a better life, it is a fair bet that Hamas would be a marginal force in Gaza. But Israel’s occupation and Arafat’s mismanagement have made it only a matter of time before the militants come to power… Hamas is primarily known outside Israel for its suicide bomb attacks against Israeli civilians. The Sheikh tells me that Hamas orders suicide bombers, under its military wing, Iz al-Din al-Qassam, to attack Israeli civilians targets because Israeli troops and armed settlers routinely attack Palestinian civilians. ‘As long as they target our civilians we will target their civilians,’ he says. ‘When they stop we will stop’.”
 
Hedges further notes that this policy of targeting Israeli civilians within the recognised borders of the State, did not exist for over a decade during the occupation. In fact, this policy emerged in the aftermath of consistent Israeli terror attacks on Palestinian civilians. “From 1987 to 1993, during the first intifada, Hamas targeted only Israeli soldiers and settlements. It began to attack individual Israeli civilians after a Jewish settler, Baruch Goldsrein, gunned down twenty-nine Muslim worshipers in the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron.”[18] Of course, the suicide terror attacks must be condemned in the strongest terms. But it is clear these attacks essentially amount to the Zionist State reaping the very terror that its own IDF military machine has ruthlessly sown in the Occupied Territories.
 
Lie No. 3: The suicide bombers are under Arafat’s control
 
The idea that Arafat has all militant Palestinian factions in the Occupied Territories under his full control is not only completely unfounded, it is blatantly absurd. The simple reason why Arafat cannot reign in Palestinian suicide bombers, is because he is not in control. Indeed, Hamas, for instance, was originally promoted by Israeli officials to weaken the PLO (Palestinian Liberation Organisation), which has now become the PA (Palestinian Authority).[19]
 
Additionally, there are credible reports that the current crisis has been significantly engineered by the State of Israel to justify a permanently aggressive posture of overwhelming military force in the Occupied Territories. A report by the Israeli Insider in mid-July 2001 noted Israeli plans to launch a massive invasion of Palestine – it was envisaged that the invasion would be triggered by “the next high-casualty suicide bombing”, which would provide the pretext for Israeli actions:
 
“Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Shaul Mofaz presented the government on Sunday with an updated plan for an all-out attack on the Palestinian Authority. The London-based [Jane’s] Foreign Report reported that the plan calls for an invasion of Palestinian-controlled territory by some 30,000 Israeli soldiers, with the clearly defined mission of destroying the infrastructure of the Palestinian leadership and collecting weaponry currently possessed by the various Palestinian forces, and expelling or killing its military leadership…
 
“PA Chairman Yasser Arafat would no longer be in control in the West Bank and Gaza Strip at the end of the military action, the IDF assumes, according to the London weekly. The report also discloses the assumption that the massive Israeli military action would result in the stationing of an international peacekeeping force in the territories, but by the time that such a force would arrive, facts on the ground would be quite different, with improved security conditions for Israel.” [20]
 
The Washington Times also noted that: “A contingency plan, codenamed Operation Justified Vengeance, was drawn up last June to reoccupy all of the West Bank and possibly the Gaza Strip at a likely cost of ‘hundreds’ of Israeli casualties.  While that plan has never been fully implemented [sic], elements of it were employed during the past two weeks in an effort to show the Palestinians that Israel can still control these territories at will.”[21]
 
The Israeli Insider, however, further notes that Israel hoped for a massive suicide bomb attack resulting in a high Israeli civilian death toll, to provide a trigger and pretext to implement these military plans:
 
“As reported in the Foreign Report this week and disclosed locally by Maariv, Israel’s invasion plan - reportedly dubbed Justified Vengeance - would be launched immediately following the next high-casualty suicide bombing, would last about a month and is expected to result in the death of hundreds of Israelis and thousands of Palestinians.”[22]
 
Israeli military strategists had already anticipated that the destruction of the Arafat regime would create a political vacuum that would have to be swiftly filled by other prominent Palestinian factions – the most probable candidate being Hamas. Israel, however, which originally funded the rise of Hamas from behind-the-scenes to undermine the Arafat regime and foster discord between Palestinian groups, is well aware that Hamas now promotes suicide bombing against Israeli civilian targets. But since the year 2001, Israel has seen the rise of the militant faction Hamas as a boon, because of its terrorist atrocities against Israeli civilians – a high civilian death toll among Israeli civilians is considered good publicity to justify Israel’s planned military invasions and operations in the Occupied Territories. The Israeli Insider continues to note in its July report that:
 
MK Michael Kleiner [Chairman of the Herut Party in the Israeli Knesset] called on Israel to either assassinate or topple Arafat… Kleiner suggested replacing Arafat, even if it meant the Hamas would take his place. According to Kleiner, the entire world recognizes the Hamas as a terrorist organization so Israel’s continued efforts against a radical Palestinian leadership would not be condemned.”[23]
 
Senior commentator for the Israeli daily Ha’aretz, Akiva Eldar, reported that at an Israeli Cabinet meeting, Minister Silvan Shalom criticised Foreign Minister Shimon Peres for advocating “negotiations” with Arafat. “Between Hamas and Arafat, I prefer Hamas,” he declared, explaining that Arafat is a “terrorist in a diplomat’s suit, while Hamas can be hit unmercifully… there won’t be any international protests.”[24]
 
Indeed, this ruthless line of thought seems to explain why Israel has targeted Arafat while leaving Hamas untouched. As the Russian journal Pravda observes in an insightful article titled ‘Hamas and Israel Unite Against Arafat’:
 
“What is the power that the Israeli prime minister stakes on? No matter how strange it may seem, he has chosen Hamas... Sharon is leveling Arafat’s influence, at the same time getting rid of a peace plan that is unfavorable for Israel. The Hamas leader assumes command over the Palestinian opposition, while Arafat is isolated to his Ramallah residence. Political and financial support will be automatically switched from the PLO to Hamas. It is not a delirium, which is confirmed by the following: Israel, which has already declared its intention to liquidate centers of terrorism, does not disturb Hamas, which claims responsibility for several recent acts of terrorism. This is rather strange. The previous connection between Israel and Hamas confirms the statement.”[25]
 
There is an interesting context here. In November 2001, there was a week-long lull in the fighting. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon suddenly ordered the assassination of Hamas leader Mahmoud Abu Hanoud – but it had been predicted by almost all observers that this provocative order would result in a sequence of Hamas-directed terror suicide bombings. There can be little doubt that Israeli military planners did not forsee this consequence. Unsurprisingly then, having provoked the spate of unconscionable suicide bombings in the first place, Sharon exploited the predictable Israeli civilian fatalities and casualties as justification for a new series of massive military offensives in the Occupied Territories.[26] American Jewish political scientist Stephen R. Shalom further observes the following revealing facts:
 
“Hanoud’s case is interesting in another respect: despite Israeli claims that Arafat refused to arrest terrorists, or else arrested them only to release them shortly thereafter, Hanoud had been in a Palestinian jail. He was not released. Instead, in August 2001, an Israeli F-16 tried to assassinate him in the jail. The building was destroyed, 11 police officers killed, and Hanoud escaped.”[27]
 
In any case, the result was an emboldened Hamas, and a series of devastating suicide bombings against Israeli civilian targets, exactly as Israel had required to implement its longstanding war plans.
 
Lie No. 4: Arafat refuses to reign in his fanatical suicide bombers, illustrating the insincerity of his calls for a peace settlement
 
If it is agreed that one cannot proceed with negotiations for a peace settlement when under terror, then it must be accepted that the single biggest obstacle to negotiations comes from the actor principally responsible for terrorism: Israel. The Zionist regime is not only responsible for massive State terrorism against the Palestinian people, but appears to be tacitly condoning suicide bomb attacks against Israeli civilians to justify expansionist military objectives in the Occupied Territories.
 
Palestinian Authority President Yasir Arafat commented in detail on the genesis of Hamas and the Israeli connection in interviews with leading Italian publications:
 
“We are doing everything possible to stop the violence. But Hamas is a creature of Israel which, at the time of Prime Minister [Yitzhak] Shamir [the late 1980s, when Hamas arose], gave them money and more than 700 institutions, among them schools, universities and mosques. Even [former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak] Rabin ended up admitting it, when I charged him with it, in the presence of [Egyptian President Hosni] Mubarak.”[28]
 
“Hamas was constituted with the support of Israel. The aim was to create an organization antagonistic to the PLO. They [Hamas] received financing and training from Israel. They have continued to benefit from permits and authorizations, while we have been limited, even [for permits] to build a tomato factory. Rabin himself defined it as a fatal error. Some collaborationists of Israel are involved in these [terrorist] attacks. We have the proof, and we are placing it at the disposal of the Italian gove