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America in Terror
::
September 11 and The War on Islam ::
by Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed
Introduction
In
Why the Media Lies: The Corporate
Structure of the Mass Media, we
reviewed in detail the principal
structural and institutional
characteristics of the mass media, and
concluded that these characteristics
entail that the mass media is
intrinsically subservient to elite
interests. This is basically due to the
fact that the mass media is ultimately
an ideological institution framed by,
and rooted in, the wider matrix of
corporate elite power in society. As a
consequence, the mass media largely
propagates news and information in a
manner that is skewered – and sometimes
fabricated – in accordance with
corporate elite interests and the
ideological requirements legitimising
those interests.
Here, we intend
to briefly examine how the mass media
pandered to elite interests in reporting
the September 11th terrorist
attacks, thus leading to the propagation
of highly distorted, and sometimes
fabricated, news and information. This
will thus provide a clear example of how
the mass media usually operates, not as
an impartial provider of untainted
facts, but rather as a highly partial
provider of ideological legitimacy to
elite interests and policies.
Many opinion-makers
deride the idea that the September 11th
terrorist attacks could have been
somehow linked to American foreign
policy. To seek such connections may be
seen as adding insult to injury, or
unpatriotic. At the same time, it is
clear that such an outrage could not
appear simply out of the blue. We have
the explanation of George W. Bush, that
it was an attack on freedom by
terrorists who hate freedom. While this
makes an excellent formula for a speech
to elementary schoolers, little evidence
can be found to support such a simple
theory.
In reality,
the September 11th attacks on
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon
constituted an atrocious, and indeed
predictable, backlash rooted in decades
if not centuries of oppression. To avert
future acts of terrorism such as this,
it is essential to understand the causes
of this backlash in the West’s ongoing
terrorisation and repression of the
majority of the world’s population.
But this is exactly what the mass media
has refused to do. On the contrary, in
the immediate aftermath of the attacks,
many mainstream commentators labeled
Black Tuesday as the worst act of
terrorism in history.[1]
For example, Ambassador L. Paul Bremer
III, head of the U.S. National
Commission on Terrorism, declared that
“this is a different order of
magnitude... This is not only the worst
terrorist attack in American history, it
is the worst terrorist attack in
history, period.”[2]
There is no doubt that what occurred on
September 11th 2001 was
certainly the worst act of terrorism to
be committed against the United States.
But this sort of irresponsible
commentary has served well to present a
distorted ahistorical portrayal of the
attacks, the result of which is that the
United States is presented as an
innocent victim of terrorism. Few
mainstream commentators have paused to
remind the public that, in reality, the
United States itself has carried out and
supported some of the worst acts of
terrorism. The 11th September
attacks, horrendous as they were, can
barely be compared to the scale of
atrocities carried out, for instance, by
U.S.-backed terrorists in South America
to secure U.S. interests, resulting in
the mass murder of hundreds and
thousands of innocent civilians. The
internationally acclaimed American
political analyst Dr. Michael Parenti
provides a particularly acute overview:
“Since World War
II, the U.S. government has given more
than $200 billion in military aid to
train, equip, and subsidize more than
2.3 million troops and internal security
forces in more than eighty countries,
the purpose being not to defend them
from outside invasions but to protect
ruling oligarchs and multinational
corporate investors from the dangers of
domestic anti-capitalist insurgency.
Among the recipients have been some of
the most notorious military autocracies
in history, countries that have
tortured, killed or otherwise maltreated
large numbers of their citizens because
of their dissenting political views…
U.S. leaders profess a dedication to
democracy. Yet over the past five
decades, democratically elected
reformist governments… were overthrown
by pro-capitalist militaries that were
funded and aided by the U.S. national
security state.”[3]
The ahistorical
portrayal of the United States as a
victim of terrorism has served well to
justify a permanent posture of
aggression as the defining
characteristic of U.S. foreign policy.
Absolving the U.S. government of any
responsibility for its rich record of
terrorist atrocities against civilians
and governments of the Third World, the
U.S. elite is empowered to launch a new
crusade in order, supposedly, to wipe
out international terrorism.
Despite a total lack of evidence that
would stand up in a court of law, media
and academic commentators prompted by
Western government hints immediately
speculated about the involvement of
“Islamic fanatics”. It was not long
before, Osama Bin Laden was labeled the
chief culprit. The inconsistencies and
vacuous nature of the evidence presented
by the Bush administration and its
allies to support its claims has,
however, been largely ignored by the
mass media. But in a rare and insightful
piece published by the London
Guardian, British journalist George
Monbiot highlights the ridiculous nature
of the proof of Bin Laden’s guilt:
“Like almost
everyone on earth, I want to believe
that the attack on New York was the work
of a single despot and his obedient
commando. But the more evidence U.S.
intelligence presents to this effect,
the less credible the story becomes.
“First there was
the car. A man had informed the police,
we were told, that he’d had a furious
argument with some suspicious-looking
Muslims in the parking lot at Boston
airport. He led investigators to the
car, in which they found a copy of the
Qur’an and a flight manual in Arabic,
showing that these were the
fundamentalists who had hijacked one of
the planes. Now flying an airliner is
not one of those things you learn in the
back of a car on the way to the airport.
Either you know how to do it or you
don’t. Leaving the Qu’ran unattended, a
Muslim friend tells me, is considered
sinful. And if you were about to
perpetrate one of the biggest terrorist
outrages the world has ever seen, would
you draw attention to yourself by
arguing over a parking place?
“Then there was
the passport. The security services
claim that a passport belonging to one
of the hijackers was extracted from the
rubble of the World Trade Centre. This
definitive identification might help
them to track the rest of the network.
We are being asked to believe that a
paper document from the cockpit of the
first plane - the epicentre of an
inferno which vapourised steel -
survived the fireball and fell to the
ground almost intact.
“When presented
with material like this, I can’t help
suspecting that intelligence agents have
assembled the theory first, then sought
the facts required to fit it… The West,
in the name of civilisation, was
insisting that Bin Laden was guilty, and
it would find the evidence later.
“For these reasons
and many others (such as the initial
false certainties about the Oklahoma
bombing and the Sudanese medicine
factory, and the identification of live
innocents as dead terrorists), I think
we have some cause to regard the new
evidence against Bin Laden with a
measure of scepticism… [I]f the West
starts chasing the wrong man across the
Hindu Kush while the real terrorists are
planning their next atrocity, this
hardly guarantees our security.”
[4]
It is worth noting that although one of
the hijacker’s passports, as Monbiot
reports, allegedly survived the WTC
inferno – consisting of fire and heat
over a 1,000 degrees Fahrenheit -
according to FBI officials, all the
Black Boxes were in contrast totally
destroyed and rendered unusable. The
Black Boxes, constituting a Flight Data
Recorder and a Cockpit Voice Recorder in
each plane, are specifically designed to
withstand massive explosions. According
to ABC News:
“Although
investigators look for an entire black
box, sometimes the only parts of the
device that survive are the recorder’s
crash-survivable memory units (CSMU).
The CSMU is almost indestructible. It is
housed within a stainless-steel shell
that contains titanium or aluminum and a
high-temperature insulation of dry
silica material.
“It is designed to
withstand heat of up to 2,000 degrees
Fahrenheit for one hour, salt water for
at least 30 days, immersion in a variety
of liquids such as jet fuel and
lubricants, and an impact of 3,400 G’s.
By comparison, astronauts are typically
exposed to up to six Gs during a shuttle
takeoff.” [5]
Each plane has two
separate Black Boxes designed to be
indestructible in the event of crashes,
which in total means that there were
eight Black Boxes – since there were
four planes in total used in the attacks
on U.S. targets. Yet the FBI is asking
us to believe that while all eight Black
Boxes were completely and utterly
destroyed in the crashes, a mere paper
passport survived to be discovered a few
blocks away. [6]
CNN reported that: “The searchers found
several clues, he said, but would not
elaborate. Last week, a passport
belonging to one of the hijackers was
found in the vicinity of Vesey Street,
near the World Trade Center. ‘It was a
significant piece of evidence for us,’
Mawn said.”[7]
“In New York, several blocks from the
ruins of the World Trade Center, a
passport authorities said belonged to
one of the hijackers was discovered a
few days ago, according to city Police
Commissioner Bernard Kerik.”[8]
Not only then did a passport survive a
plane crash that was allegedly so
intense it obliterated the virtually
indestructible Black Box, the same
passport is also supposed to have flown
down a few blocks from the WTC. It is
true that due to the sudden shattering
of the windows in the WTC, all paper
materials in the building were
immediately ejected out before
incineration. Yet a passport in the
pocket of a hijacker sitting within a
plane that explodes will naturally
undergo the same process as the hijacker
and the plane he is sitting in, along
with the other passengers: absolute
cremation.[9]
This is only one
anomaly out of many that have been
ignored, leaving the official story
accepted uncritically as unquestionable
fact, by the vast majority of mainstream
media outlets. [10]
The timely release of tapes depicting
Bin Laden apparently admitting
involvement in 9-11, served as a
convenient propaganda exercise in
buttressing the official narrative,
while pushing its inherent incoherence
down the memory hole. As usual with
government claims in war-time, the mass
media simply assumed that the tapes
released by the Defense Department were
genuine. But there is certainly
reasonable room for doubt.
Sean Broughton,
director of the London-based production
company Smoke and Mirrors and one of
Britain’s leading experts on visual
effects, has stated that it would be
relatively easy for a skilled
professional to fake a video of Bin
Laden. He admitted that to fool top
experts would, however, be difficult,
although he added that: “There are
perhaps 20 people in America who would
be good enough to fool everybody.”
Another expert, Bob Crabtree, editor of
the magazine Computer Video, has
gone further, stating that it was
impossible to judge whether or not the
video was a fake without more details of
its source: “The U.S. seems simply to
have asked the world to trust them that
it is genuine.” [11]
Dr. Peter French, a forensic expert
specialising in audio, speech, and
language, similarly confirms that using
digital technology, “it’s possible to
edit or fabricate in ways that
completely defy forensic detection.”[12]
Canadian foreign correspondent Eric
Margolis, who believes that Al-Qaeda was
responsible for the 9-11 attacks,
nevertheless expresses scepticism with
respect to the of authenticity the Bin
Laden tape, commenting in the Toronto
Sun: “… two other Arabic experts say
the tape’s audio quality is so poor that
almost nothing bin Laden says on it can
be verified…
“To my
ears, well accustomed to Arabic, half of
bin Laden’s words were inaudible. The
translation was sometimes out of sync
with the action on screen. Bin Laden’s
statements looked cut up and edited.
Cynics
suggest the tape was a forgery made by
Russian intelligence or the U.S.
government, with incriminating
statements spliced into an otherwise
boring exchange of pleasantries between
bin Laden and a visiting admirer. This
is possible. In 1990, the U.S. used
retouched satellite photos to convince
the Saudis that Iraq was about to invade
- which it was not.” [13]
Indeed, even if
one assumes that the tape is genuine,
whether it really does provide “smoking
gun” proof of Bin Laden’s culpability in
the 9-11 attacks is extremely unclear.
Richard Thomas, Director of Public
Policy at the British law firm Clifford
Chance argues that: “The tape which we
have so far seen doesn’t actually
contain hard evidence that Mr. bin Laden
was the person who organized the
attacks. He simply talks about his
reaction to the attacks as they took
place. And again, that wouldn’t be hard
evidence that he was the organizing mind
behind these dreadful attacks.” [14]
The vacuous nature of
much of the evidence presented by Bush &
Co. for Bin Laden’s guilt – which then
justified the U.S. invasion of
Afghanistan - indicates that finding the
terrorists responsible for the 9-11
attacks was not an integral U.S.
objective. Indeed, the absence of
decisive proof of Bin Laden’s
involvement suggests that fighting
against terrorism has never been the
real concern behind the subsequent
militarisation of U.S. foreign policy.
It seems that there is, rather, another
more dubious agenda. Whether or not Bin
Laden is actually guilty or not, in this
respect, is besides the point –
obviously, the Bush administration was
not interested in the facts, but instead
was more keen to hastily find a suitable
scapegoat which would provide an ample
pretext for a permanently aggressive
U.S. military posture.
In this
respect, the scattered continued
existence of Al-Qaeda plays a functional
role within world order, at least for
the next few years. The London
Guardian noted this functional role
played by Osama bin Laden within the
matrix of U.S. foreign policy objectives
in an 18th September report:
“If Osama
bin Laden did not exist, it would be
necessary to invent him. For the past
four years, his name has been invoked
whenever a U.S. president has sought to
increase the defence budget or wriggle
out of arms control treaties. He has
been used to justify even President
Bush’s missile defence programme, though
neither he nor his associates are known
to possess anything approaching
ballistic missile technology. Now he has
become the personification of evil
required to launch a crusade for good:
the face behind the faceless terror... [H]is
usefulness to western governments lies
in his power to terrify. When billions
of pounds of military spending are at
stake, rogue states and terrorist
warlords become assets precisely because
they are liabilities.” [15]
To
consolidate and expand U.S. hegemony,
and to fully counter its Russian,
Chinese and European rivals, a massive
threat is required to establish domestic
consensus on the unrelentingly
interventionist character of U.S.
foreign policy in the new and unlimited
“war on terror.” The bogeyman of Osama
Bin Laden’s international terrorist
network thus plays, in the view of the
Bush administration, a functional role
within the matrix of U.S. plans to
increasingly subject the world order to
its military, political, strategic, and
economic influence.
U.S. officials have
spoken of the need to indiscriminately
target states where terrorists are
suspected to reside or with a record of
being implicated in terrorist acts,
rather than merely focus specifically on
the perpetrators of this particular
crime. Speculation by innumerable
esteemed personalities including U.S.
officials, academics and journalists
about the role of Osama Bin Laden and
his legendary terror network has also
been exploited to fuel a more general
anti-Muslim suspicion and hostility. The
hysteria harks back to the 1998 bombing
of Sudan when the U.S. destroyed a
pharmaceutical factory, killing an
unknown number of civilians, on the
pretext that it was actually one of Bin
Laden’s chemical weapons factories. Not
long after this event it was revealed
that the factory produced essential
medicines for the Sudanese people – not
to mention much of Africa - and had
nothing to do with Bin Laden. The U.S.
also blocked an inquiry by the UN into
the bombing which would have disclosed
the exact number of civilian casualties. [16]
The reaction of the
United States speaks volumes about the
real nature of the new programme
targeting the entire Muslim world.
Former spokesman for the U.S. State
Department James Rubin outlined the
future vision on BBC 2’s Newsnight: “We
lead. We go around the world and we make
people be counted whether they’re on our
side, or on the side of the terrorists.” [17]
The U.S. solution it seems is to
categorise “people” around the world
into two types: those who support U.S.
and Western terrorism around the world
whether they know it or not and who are
thus “on our side”; and those who do
not, who will inevitably be labeled
those “on the side of the terrorists”.
And accordingly those who are not “on
our side” will be targeted
indiscriminately. This simplistic
division of the world into “us” and
“them” – firstly, the crusaders against
terrorism and secondly, the terrorists
themselves – collectively demonises all
those who do not support American
foreign policy in the post-9-11 period
and reduces them to an alien “otherness”
who must be indiscriminately destroyed.
This U.S. government attempt at
legitimisation of a policy with
unnervingly fascist – if not genocidal –
overtones, has been widely parroted by
the mass media.
For example, on
the same day as the WTC and Pentagon
terrorist attacks, a former U.S.
Secretary of State was paraded on CNN,
advocating that the U.S. adopt the very
same policy of terrorism utilised by the
9-11 terrorists: “There is only one way
to begin to deal with people like this,
and that is you have to kill some of
them even if they are not immediately
directly involved in this thing.” [18]
The next day,
the New York Post echoed CNN’s
sentiments: “The response to this
unimaginable 21st-century Pearl Harbor
should be as simple as it is swift -
kill the bastards. A gunshot between the
eyes, blow them to smithereens, poison
them if you have to. As for cities or
countries that host these worms, bomb
them into basketball courts.” [19]
The Post was in agreement with
the New York Daily News, which
was even more detailed in advocating the
same fanatical terrorist strategy
pursued by Al-Qaeda: “This is no time to
be precious about locating the exact
individuals directly involved in this
particular terrorist attack.... We
should invade their countries, kill
their leaders and convert them to
Christianity. We weren’t punctilious
about locating and punishing only Hitler
and his top officers. We carpet-bombed
German cities; we killed civilians.
That’s war. And this is war.”[20]
And the day
after that, the public continued to be
whipped into a frenzy of bloodlust by
the National Review: “America
roused to a righteous anger has always
been a force for good. States that have
been supporting if not Osama bin Laden,
people like him need to feel pain. If we
flatten part of Damascus or Tehran or
whatever it takes, that is part of the
solution.” [21]
Bill O’Reilly on FOX News Channel
concurred:
Bill O’Reilly: “If the Taliban government
of Afghanistan does not cooperate, then
we will damage that government with air
power, probably. All right? We will
blast them, because...”
Sam Husseini,
Institute for Public Accuracy:
“Who will you kill in the process?”
O’Reilly:
“Doesn’t make any difference.” [22]
And there are
many, many more such statements. This
baseless, inflammatory and indeed racist
reaction of the media mimics its
previous response to the Oklahoma
bombing when commentators eagerly vied
with one another to blame “Arabs” and
“Muslims” for the attack. Although it
was eventually discovered that the
perpetrator, Timothy McVeigh, was
actually a former U.S. soldier -
notwithstanding the long period of
unwarranted demonisation of Islam and
Muslims – the lesson apparently has not
been properly absorbed. We are seeing a
repeat of the hysterical reaction of
those days. The 9-11 attacks must be
condemned in the strongest terms, but
they must also be understood. They are
an indirect consequence of successive
U.S. administrations systematically
pursuing policies of mass murder and
pillage throughout the world.
But the policy of
worldwide mass murder and pillage must
be dressed up as a global humanitarian
crusade against terrorism in order to
ensure public support for the policy.
And this means manufacturing a suitable
pretext for the policy. This procedure
is deeply entrenched in the structures
of the foreign policy making
establishment. For instance, a mid-1941
memo from the War and Peace Studies
Project of the Council on Foreign
Relations during the Second World War -
whose participants included top
government planners and members of the
foreign policy establishment -
recognised that a “formulation of a
statement of war aims for propaganda
purposes is very different from a
formulation of one defining the true
national interest…
“If war aims are
stated, which seem to be concerned
solely with Anglo-American imperialism,
they will offer little to people in the
rest of the world... Such aims would
also strengthen the most reactionary
elements in the United States and the
British Empire. The interests of other
peoples should be stressed, not only
those of Europe, but also of Asia,
Africa and Latin America. This would
have a better propaganda effect.” [23]
Today, this
effect is achieved through dressing up
military operations either as
humanitarian interventions or as a war
for self-defence. The maintenance of
insanely high levels of military
spending, in order to support the
unlimited militarisation of U.S. foreign
policy, has thus entailed the
manufacturing of new threats by which to
justify such spending. In the current
world order, the Soviet/Communist
“threat” has become defunct. One of the
major new ideological constructions
being highlighted as an alleged threat
to national security, and thus being
utilised as a pretext on which to
maintain massive investment in the
military, is ‘Islamic fundamentalism’.
This phenomenon can be found within the
Middle East, Africa, Asia, and Europe. [24]
The current crisis has permitted the
U.S. to exaggerate the alleged threat of
“Islamic terrorism” beyond all
proportion to suit its drive towards
military escalation to secure strategic
and economic interests. Professor of
International Law at the University of
Illinois College of Law, Francis Boyle,
comments:
“According to the
facts in the public record so far, this
was not an act of war and NATO Article 5
does not apply. President Bush has
automatically escalated this national
tragedy into something it is not in
order to justify a massive military
attack abroad and an apparent crackdown
on civil liberties at home. We see
shades of the Tonkin Gulf Resolution,
which the Johnson administration used to
provide dubious legal cover for massive
escalation of the Vietnam War.” [25]
On this
basis, it is evident that in the near
future, on the pretext of targeting
scattered terrorist cells connected to
Al-Qaeda, various countries around the
world that are of strategic value to the
United States will fall victim to Bush’s
‘new war’ for U.S. hegemony. The
escalating and contrived ‘clash of
civilisations’ that may result from this
cynical U.S. policy, and the
corresponding chaos and destruction,
bear ominous implications for the future
of humanity.
Indeed, the
new pretexts are already being conjured
up. President Bush Jr. virtually
declared war on any country deemed by
the U.S. to be a threat, in his State of
the Union address on Tuesday, 29th
January 2002. Bush warned of “thousands
of dangerous killers, schooled in the
methods of murder, often supported by
outlaw regimes,” and openly threatened
an attack on Iran, Iraq and North Korea
in particular. Both the U.S. government
and media have made concerted efforts to
allege some sort of connection between
Al-Qaeda and the countries of Iran and
Iraq. “By seeking weapons of mass
destruction, these regimes pose a grave
and growing danger. States like these
and their terrorist allies constitute an
axis of evil, arming to threaten the
peace of the world.” Bush added that:
“The United States of America will not
permit the world’s most dangerous
regimes to threaten us with the world’s
most destructive weapons.”
It is no
coincidence that the Middle East and
Central Asia together hold over
two-thirds of the world’s reserves of
oil and natural gas. After Saudi Arabia,
Iran and Iraq are respectively the
second and third largest oil-producers
in the region. Both Iran and Iraq, in
accordance with their local interests,
are fundamentally opposed to the U.S.
drive to secure unimpeded access to
regional resources. The former, for
instance, has been attempting to secure
its own interests in Afghanistan and
Central Asia, thus coming into direct
conflict with regional U.S. interests,
whereas the latter has for a decade now
been tolerated only because the U.S. has
been unable to replace Saddam Hussein’s
regime with a viable alternative. [26]
In light of the results of the
apparently successful ‘test case’
provided by the war on Afghanistan –
which has opened up Central Asian
resources to U.S. corporate clutches -
the U.S. seems intent on attempting a
replay in Iraq by eliminating Saddam,
and enlisting the opposition to
establish a compliant new regime.
Similar plans may be in the pipeline for
Iran. As for North Korea, this country
borders China, and is thus strategically
located in terms of longstanding U.S.
policy planning. China has long been
viewed by U.S. policy planners as its
principal rival in north and east Asia.
The military network being installed by
the United States in the wake of 11th
September systematically encircles
China—Uzbekistan, Tajikistan,
Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, India, the
Philippines, and now Korea.
The
Guardian has also commented on these
developments and their
military-strategic context: “Every twist
in the war on terrorism seems to leave a
new Pentagon outpost in the Asia-Pacific
region, from the former USSR to the
Philippines. One of the lasting
consequences of the war could be what
amounts to a military encirclement of
China.” In explanation, the London daily
cites the Pentagon’s Quadrennial
Defense Review warning of the danger
that “a military competitor with a
formidable resource base will emerge in
the region.” The journal recommended a
U.S. policy that “places a premium on
securing additional access and
infrastructure agreements.” [27]
The expansion of the misnamed ‘war on
terror’ is thus specifically tailored to
target regions of strategic and economic
interest to the United States, and thus
to consolidate unrivalled U.S. hegemony
in these regions – many of which are
predominantly Muslim.
So does current
U.S. policy amount to a war on Islam?
Commentators have debated the matter
intensely in the post-9-11 period, but
have largely ignored the wealth of
evidence indicating that, in fact, Islam
has long been considered an arch-enemy
of U.S. policy, particularly in the
Middle East. The process of fabricating
a new enemy – Islam – was in full-swing
by the early 1990s. Former bureau chief
of the Jerusalem Post and Cato
Institute scholar Leon T. Hadar
documented U.S. moves towards the
demonisation of Islam as a threat to
U.S. foreign policy objectives in 1992:
“Now that the Cold
War is becoming a memory, America’s
foreign policy establishment has begun
searching for new enemies. Possible new
villains include ‘instability’ in Europe
- ranging from German resurgence to new
Russian imperialism - the ‘vanishing’
ozone layer, nuclear proliferation, and
narcoterrorism. Topping the list of
potential new global bogeymen, however,
are the Yellow Peril, the alleged threat
to American economic security emanating
from East Asia, and the so-called Green
Peril (green is the color of Islam).
That peril is symbolized by the Middle
Eastern Moslem fundamentalist - the ‘Fundie’,
to use a term coined by The Economist.” [28]
Thus, according
to Amos Perlmutter in the Washington
Post, “Islamic fundamentalism is an
aggressive revolutionary movement as
militant and violent as the Bolshevik,
Fascist and Nazi movements of the past”.
It is “authoritarian, anti-democratic,
anti-secular” and by its inherent nature
cannot be reconciled with the
“Christian-secular universe”. Its goal
is the establishment of a “totalitarian
Islamic state” in the Middle East. Thus,
the U.S. should ensure that the movement
is “stifled at birth”. [29]
The rise of Islamic movements throughout
countries in the Middle East, North
Africa, and Central Asia are
contributing to an elitist “urge to
identify Islam as an inherently
anti-democratic force that is America’s
new global enemy now that the Cold War
is over”, writes Jim Hoagland in the
same newspaper.[30]
According to the Washington Times,
the rise of political Islam, unless
quelled with appropriate Western policy,
will lead “the Middle East and the once
Soviet Central Asian republics [to]
become in a few years the cultural and
political dependencies of the most
expansionist militarized regime in the
world today, a regime for which
terrorism is the governing norm.”[31]
These
essentially fascist views stem
ultimately from the official perspective
of the Western political establishment.
In 1995, then Secretary-General of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
(NATO), Willy Claes, described Islam as
“at least as dangerous as communism
was.” He added that: “NATO is much more
than a military alliance. It has
committed itself to defending basic
principles of civilization that bind
North American and Western Europe.” [32]
Indeed, numerous think-tank studies have
purported to analyse the ‘Islamic
threat’ to a U.S.-dominated global
order, concluding that it has now become
a genuine Western foreign policy issue.
Since the 1990s, U.S. Congress has
conducted a series of hearings on the
subject.[33]
Thus, even
before 9-11, Islam was directly
associated with international terrorism
– and specifically emphasised as a
threat to U.S. security. Mamoun Fandy of
the Center for Contemporary Arab Studies
at Georgetown University reported in
1996 that:
“The U.S. has placed
counterterrorism at the top of its
international and domestic agendas, and
much of the political mobilization to
win support for antiterrorism measures
has been focused on the need to confront
and overcome ‘Muslim fundamentalism’ or
‘Islamic terror’. Domestically, the U.S.
government won support for sweeping new
antiterrorism legislation through
repeated references, both veiled and
overt, to the threat posed by Islamic
terrorists. In speeches before the
United Nations General Assembly in both
1995 and 1996, Clinton urged greater
international cooperation against
terrorism.”
But Middle East
expert Fandy is critical of this simple
equation, because it is indiscriminately
applied to any and every political
movement associated with Islam. Despite
fervent U.S. claims to have “no quarrel
with Islam”, observes Fandy:
“The U.S. identifies
all political activities that mobilize
using Islamic symbols as ‘terrorism’
aimed at undermining Washington’s grand
strategy in the Middle East… U.S.
policymakers continue to use ‘Islamic
terror’ as the replacement for ‘the
communist menace’ or the ‘evil empire’,
as the ideological enemy against which
all U.S. policy should be aimed. The
U.S. is still thinking in state-based,
cold war terms”. [34]
Thus in 1999,
Islamic fundamentalism was explicitly
pinpointed by the United States as a new
threat. Other potential enemies include
rogue states and nuclear outlaws. The
manufacturing of these new threats in
place of the now obsolete Soviet Union
justifed a $124 billion increase in
military spending over seven years,
jeopardising much needed investment
within the U.S. on domestic issues such
as education, social security, medicare
and programmes for the poor. As U.S.
news commentator Enver Masud, Chairman
of the Washington-based Wisdom Fund,
observes: “Anxious to protect cold war
levels of defense spending, the Pentagon
manufactured the threat of Islamic
fundamentalism, rogue states and nuclear
outlaws.” [35]
In a June 2000 report to Congress, L.
Paul Bremmer III, Chairman of the
National Commission on Terrorism, stated
that the threat of terrorism to the U.S.
“is becoming more deadly”. The
commission, established in the aftermath
of the 1998 U.S. embassy bombings in
Africa, includes a majority of Muslim
countries in its list of countries
allegedly sponsoring terrorism,
especially Iran, Iraq, Libya, Syria and
Sudan - as well as Cuba and North Korea.[36]
There is an
important context to the sudden
discovery of such grave enemies to the
United States. U.S. arms trade expert
and Senior Fellow at the World Policy
Institute William Hartung points out
that the massive injections of public
funds into military spending are not a
result of genuine threats to U.S.
security, but rather because “the arms
industry has launched a concerted
lobbying campaign aimed at increasing
military spending and arms exports…
These initiatives are driven by profit
and pork barrel politics, not by the
objective assessment of how to best
defend the United States in a post-cold
war period.” [37]
It should be
noted that during this period, while
U.S. military spending rocketed steadily
on the pretext of the necessity of
defending the nation against
international terrorism, acts of
terrorism against the U.S. were in fact
on the decrease since the
beginning of the 1990s. In particular,
the number of terrorist attacks
perpetrated by Muslims against the U.S.
has also decreased – and are minute
compared to the number of terrorist
attacks committed by other national,
ethnic and religious groups. [38]
The new threat
of ‘Islamic terror’ exemplified in the
September 11th attacks thus
plays a particularly important role
within world order, permitting the
United States to justify strategies by
which to enforce U.S. hegemony within
the Middle East, as well as in Africa
and Asia. The major reason that Western
institutions have taken it upon
themselves to subtly demonise Islam in
this respect, is inseparable from the
structure of the global
politico-economic order - in fact it is
a logical consequence of that order and
its relations to the Muslim people
throughout the world. [39]
Thanks to the
efforts of media and academic
commentators, it is commonly believed
that there exists a vast, and in many
ways unbridgeable, Islam-West divide, in
which Islam at some significant level
constitutes a fundamental danger to
Western civilisation. Harvard political
scientist Professor Samuel Huntington is
well-known for articulating this belief
in the form of an academically
acceptable theory of international
relations. His ‘clash of civilisations’
thesis is a particularly stark example
of how Western academia attempt to
justify the concept of an unfathomable
Islam-West divide and a new inevitable
Cold War with Islam. [40]
Tim Hames, a leading politician in the
Republican Party who is very close to
the Bush administration, claimed only
one day after the attacks that
Huntington’s thesis was dominating the
U.S. political scene.[41]
Huntington has most recently presented a
crass summary of his already rather
crass opinions in an article titled ‘The
Age of Muslim Wars’ for Newsweek
magazine. The article’s introductory
synopsis asserts that:
“Contemporary global
politics is the age of Muslim wars.
Muslims fight each other and fight
non-Muslims far more often than do
peoples of other civilizations. Muslim
wars have replaced the cold war as the
principal form of international
conflict. These wars include wars of
terrorism, guerrilla wars, civil wars
and interstate conflicts. These
instances of Muslim violence could
congeal into one major clash of
civilizations between Islam and the West
or between Islam and the Rest.” [42]
This is not the
place to discuss in detail the myriad of
logical leaps, shoddy presumptions, and
lack of supportive data that hounds
Huntington’s thesis, but we should point
out some essential facts that in
themselves point to the holes in the
thinking behind the whole ‘clash of
civilisations’ project as such. We may
note, for instance, Professor
Huntington’s extraordinary ignorance of
the “civilizations” he purports to
discuss - he seems quite unaware of the
abundant scholarly literature disproving
the redundant thesis of the inherently
aggressive nature of Muslims. On page
256 of his study, The Clash of
Civilizations, for example, he
asserts that: “Muslims have problems
living with their neighbours… The
evidence is overwhelming.” The
“overwhelming evidence” he reviews,
however, appears to manifest only poor
and prejudiced scholarship. Huntington
performs an exceedingly shallow analysis
of several cases of conflicts involving
Muslims - many of which were in fact
deliberately engineered by the United
States - presents them in a historical
and political vacuum, and then
generalises the conclusions without
warrant. The 20th Century
conflicts relating to Iraq, Iran,
Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia,
Chechnya, Indonesia, Sudan,
Palestine, and so on, are in fact
directly related to U.S. foreign policy,
which has in all these cases escalated
and supported various actors in the
respective conflicts to secure economic
and strategic interests. In the
interests of extending and consolidating
global U.S. hegemony, U.S. policy has
systematically manipulated communities,
played them off against one another,
generated wars and captilised on the
results. [43]
Huntington’s examples, in other words,
in reality demonstrate the extent to
which U.S. foreign policy has
contributed to conflict and war - and
has often manipulated Muslim groups and
hijacked Islamic symbols to the same
end.
The fact that
history is full of wars does not
indicate that they were the result of
differences in religions or cultures
between civilizations. Rather, a
scientific historical analysis
demonstrates that the causes were power
politics and aspirations for hegemony, a
fact deliberately played down by
Huntington. Wars have always been
ultimately instigated by a handful of
people in positions of power, who pit
one nation against another in order to
secure their own geostrategic and
hegemonic objectives. Suffice it to say
that the implications of Huntington’s
thesis – that Muslim civilisation as
such intrinsically tends towards war and
conflict both internally and
internationally - have long dismissed by
specialists who have studied Islam and
Muslims. For example, the Hindu scholar
Professor K. S. Ramakrishna Rao - Head
of the Department of Philosophy at the
Government College for Women, University
of Mysore - remarks on recent
scholarship on Islam as follows:
“My work today is
further lightened because those days are
fast disappearing when Islam was highly
misrepresented by some of its critics
for reasons political and otherwise… My
problem in writing this monograph is
easier because we are now generally not
fed on this kind of history and much
time need not be spent pointing out our
misrepresentation of Islam. The theory
of Islam and Sword for instance is not
heard now frequently in any quarter
worth the name. The principle of Islam
that there is no compulsion in religion
is well known. Gibbon, a
historian of world repute says, ‘A
pernicious tenet has been imputed to
Mohammadans, the duty of extirpating all
the religions by sword.’ This charge
based on ignorance and bigotry, says the
eminent historian, is refuted by
Quran, by history of Musalman
conquerors and by their public and legal
toleration of Christian worship.” [44]
As far as
contemporary politics goes, the matter
is largely the same. Muslims today are
no more inclined to war or terrorism
than other religious or ethnic groups.
German journalist and political
scientist Dr. Peter Scholl-Latour
ascertained in 1999 that terror attacks
by Muslim extremists were, contrary to
widely propagated opinion, rare in both
Europe and the United States:
“When they do take
place, they take place in the context of
the fatal Israeli-Palestinian rivalry
over control of the Holy Land…, or they
are aimed at what they see as American
complicity with the system of hegemony
in their own countries, with those
military dictatorships, dynastic cliques
or despots at the mercy of whom the
peoples of the ‘Dar-ul-Islam’ continue
to live in a more or less repressive
form.” [45]
Indeed,
directly contradicting Huntington’s
emphasis of the alleged potential
rivalry from Islamic civilization is an
authoritative study by the U.S.
Commission on National Security/21st
Century, which records how the unique
adaptability of Islamic to modernity is
the very factor ensuring that such a
confrontation will not occur as a simple
result of civilizational dichotomies. [46]
Other Middle East specialists concur
that “like their secular counterparts,
on most issues many [Islamic-oriented
political actors] would operate on the
basis of national interests and
demonstrate a flexibility that reflects
acceptance of the realities of a
globally interdependent world.”[47]
It is certainly
a shame that the esteemed Harvard
scholar has to resort to regurgitating
chauvinistic myths to support his
untenable position. There is, however, a
deeper context and pattern to this act
of regurgitation by anti-Muslim
academics such as Huntington. The
background has been noted by political
scientist Nadia Weiss in the monthly
Zurich-based journal Current Concerns:
“As soon as one delves into Huntington’s
background, the first thing one notices
is that one of his chief political
allies is none other than Zbigniew
Brzezinski, America’s chief
geostrategist and author of ‘The Grand
Chessboard’…
“Zbigniew Brzezinski
is well known as the creator of the
American strategy to achieve hegemony,
which lies at the heart of American
foreign policy. That battle for global
hegemony is going to be fought in
Eurasia. Therefore America needs access
to geopolitically important countries
like Ukraine, Turkey, Iran and the
countries in the Caucasus. Both the
expansion of the EU to the East and the
expansion of NATO in the same direction
are part of this strategy.
“In reading
Huntington, one often has the impression
of reading Brzezinski. Huntington, for
example, writes that the maintenance of
American hegemony is just as important
for the entire world as it is for the
United States. The world needs a
superpower, and America is the only one
left that can assume this role, and that
is also necessary for American
interests. In this context the American
dominance in the world economy is
crucial: ‘America is now being
challenged by Japan, and in the future
she will probably be challenged by
Europe as well.’
“Brzezinski and
Huntington are pursuing the same
political plan: They want the world to
be ruled by one power and they want to
be part of that power ruling the world.
It is no coincidence that Brzezinski
sings the praise of Huntington’s book
calling it ‘a monumental work which will
revolutionize our view of foreign
affairs.’ At another point he
characterizes Huntington as the
‘democratic Machiavelli’.” [48]
All of this is merely
the latest stage in a historic pattern,
according to J. A. Progler - Assistant
Professor of Social Studies at the
School of Education in the City
University of New York, Brooklyn College
– who notes that the demonisation of
Islam and Muslims is rooted in a long
record of self-serving Western
encounters with Islam and Muslims:
“The long history of
encounters between Western civilization
and Islam has produced a tradition of
portraying, in largely negative and
self-serving ways, the Islamic religion
and Muslim cultures. There is a lot of
literature cataloguing (and sometimes
correcting) these stereotypes…
Images of the Other are prevalent in
Western civilization, and have become
firmly ensconced in the discourse of
colonization and conquest, whoever the
victims may be. Some images are rooted
in Greek notions of barbarians, others
born of the Middle Ages. They have been
carried through the Reconquista and
Inquisition, picked up during the age of
colonial expansion, developed by
Orientalists in the 19th and early 20th
century, and continue on into the age of
mass media and globalized political
economy. But images don’t exist in a
vacuum. They have uses…
“A growing body of
critical literature examines the
formation, utilization and perpetuation
of images in the context of European
conceptualization and colonization of
the Muslim. Critics generally agree that
Orientalist pursuits of knowledge are
inextricably tied to colonial and
imperial power, and that the West's
self-image has been cultivated in a
binary relationship with Islamic
culture…
“Western
image-makers, including religious
authorities, political establishments,
and corporate-media conglomerates,
conceptualize for their consumers images
of Muslims and/or Arabs in sometimes
amusing and other times cruel or tragic
ways. Upon closer examination, these
images seem to serve essential purposes
throughout the history of Western
civilization. At times these purposes
are benign, at others quite sinister.
Often, there are tragic consequences for
Muslims resulting from the
socio-political climate fostered by
images…
“If Arabs and Muslims
are extremists in anything, I believe
that it is in the patience and tolerance
they have shown toward persistent
Western interventions until very
recently. Islamic movements have much
more important characteristics than
intolerance and violence. A central
concept is social justice.” [49]
But to admit
this, of course, would be to lose the
much needed enemy that justifies current
Western interventions. Hence, the
demonisation continues, and with it
comes the dire ramification of wider
social repression. Within the U.S.,
anti-Muslim sentiment is escalating. “In
a recent Roper poll”, reported Angela
Stephens in 1998, “more than half the
respondents described Islam as
inherently anti-American, anti-Western
or supportive of terrorism - though only
5 percent said they’d had much contact
with Muslims themselves…
“Incidents of
harassment and violence against American
Muslims and Arabs have risen sharply
following dramatic and devastating
events such as the 1995 Oklahoma City
bombing and 1996 crash of TWA flight
800, even though in both events there
was no connection to Islam or the Middle
East.” [50]
The Council on
American Islamic Relations (CAIR)
reported a massive 60 per cent rise in
discrimination against Muslims in 1997
compared to 1996. [51]
In the aftermath of the 11th
September attacks, these figures have
risen drastically - not only in the
U.S., but throughout the Western
countries. In Britain for instance, the
London-based Islamic Human Rights
Commission (IHRC) documented in an
October 2001 study, The Anti-Muslim
Backlash in the Wake of September 11,
2001, the unprecedented wave of
Islamaphobia sweeping across the UK:
“IHRC is deeply
concerned that there has been a
significant rise in anti-Muslim attacks,
hostility and discrimination in the wake
of the September 11 attacks on the USA.
It notes that women and children have
been particularly targeted… The number
of businesses reporting economical
boycotts may so far be relatively small,
but the possible repercussions and
implications are profound. The
historical precedents of economic
boycotts, particularly in 1930s Germany,
should sound alarm bells.” [52]
This damning
report was used by the British
government’s Home Office and the United
Nations.
That the
images of Islam manufactured by the
media and academia in tandem are
actually quite contrary to documented
facts is thus clear. We are then left
with uncovering the real reasons behind
the contemporary confrontation between
Islam and West – these reasons are
inherently rooted in the structure of
the present global order. This has been
lucidly explained by the distinguished
CIA specialist William Blum, a former
State Department official and leading
U.S. foreign policy analyst:
“When
asked ‘What is it that these terrorists
want from the United States?’, Richard
Haas, head of the foreign policy
department at the Brookings Institution,
replied: ‘Well, the answer is it’s not
anything we’re simply doing. It is who
we are. It’s the fact that we’re the
most powerful country in the world. It’s
the fact that we’re a secular country...
It is simply who we are and it is our
existence that really bothers them.’
“‘Americans are targets of terrorism, in
part, because we act to advance peace
and democracy and because we stand
united against terrorism’, said
President Clinton.” Blum continues:
“These are some of the platitudes our
leaders and policy makers feed us after
each terrorist attack against an
American installation. What they never
let slip is that the terrorists -
whatever else they might be - might also
be rational human beings; which is to
say that in their own minds they have a
rational justification for their
actions; and that the justification is
usually retaliation for various American
actions.
“The
massive bombing of the Iraqi people; the
continuing sanctions against Iraq; the
unmitigated support of Israel; the
double standard applied to Israeli
terrorism, such as the massacre of 106
Lebanese at the UN base at Qana in 1996;
the large military and hi-tech presence
in Islam’s holiest land, Saudi Arabia,
and elsewhere in the Persian Gulf
region; the unceasing persecution of
Libya; the shooting down of an Iranian
passenger plane... these are some of the
American actions that can turn an Arab
or a Muslim into a fanatic, into a
terrorist. And their terrorist acts will
continue as long as the United States
gives them so many reasons for
retaliation.”[53]
Blum’s acute
observations are corroborated by the
findings of British journalist John
Pilger, who was twice winner of
Britain’s highest award for journalism,
and who has reported every war in the
last few decades:
“How is it
that Western establishments can invert
the public truth of their own power and
terrorism? The answer is that it is
apostasy in Britain and the United
States to describe the democracies as
terrorist states... Stereotypes are much
preferred, such as the ‘Muslim fanatic’.
In fact, not only have Muslims been
responsible for a tiny proportion of
deaths caused by terrorism, but in
recent years it is they who have been
the greatest sufferers from state
terrorism: in Palestine, Iraq, Bosnia,
Chechnya and Somalia.” [54]
In fact, authoritative statistical data
– ignored by effective apologists for
anti-Muslim hostility such as Huntington
– demonstrates decisively that the
majority of acts of terrorism are
undertaken against
Muslims, not
by Muslims. This data also demonstrates
that by and large, the pattern of
terrorist attacks against the U.S. has
been on the decline in the last decade,
with attacks by Muslims in the minority.
The U.S. State Department’s own report,
Patterns of
Global Terrorism: 1998,
finds that “the number of international
terrorist attacks actually fell again in
1998, continuing a downward trend that
began several years ago.”
The State Department reports that ‘Total
U.S. Citizen Casualties Caused by
International Attacks’ are as follows:
|
|
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
|
Dead |
7 |
6 |
10 |
25 |
6 |
12 |
|
Wounded |
1004 |
5 |
60 |
510 |
21 |
11 |
The report also compiles statistics on
‘Total International Attacks by Region’:
|
|
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
|
Africa |
6 |
25 |
10 |
11 |
11 |
21 |
|
Asia |
37 |
24 |
16 |
11 |
21 |
49 |
|
Eurasia |
5 |
11 |
5 |
24 |
42 |
14 |
|
Latin
America |
97 |
58 |
92 |
84 |
128 |
110 |
|
Middle
East |
100 |
116 |
45 |
45 |
37 |
31 |
|
North
America |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
13 |
0 |
|
West
Europe |
185 |
88 |
272 |
121 |
52 |
48 |
As far as
“Islamic terrorism” is concerned, the
most pertinent statistic is ‘Total Anti-U.S.
Attacks’ which lists attacks by region
as follows: Africa-3, Europe-3, West
Europe-13, Middle East-5, and Latin
America-87. [55]
Compared to these statistics, we should
note that according to the Islamic Human
Rights Commission, data confirmed by
human rights groups around the world
indicates that 80 per cent of all human
rights violations in the world committed
by states and governments are
perpetrated
against
Muslims.[56]
Against these figures, the September 11th
attacks appear to have been an
aberration standing out within a general
pattern of decline. The logical
implication is that there is simply no
basis to claim that terrorism is a
particularly Muslim or Islamic
phenomenon, linked in some intrinsic way
to the latter. Terrorism, rather, issues
from a tortured mindset formed from a
complex web of pressures including
intense military brutality, political
repression, social exclusion, and
economic deprivation.
Thus, whether
or not the perpetrators of the 11th
September terrorist attacks considered
themselves to be followers of the
Islamic faith, the fact remains that
Muslims throughout the world are the
principal victims of global state
terrorism - not its cause. As the
New Statesman
observes:
“Arabs must put up with stereotypes
about Islamic fundamentalism and
violence, when, in fact, not only have
Muslims been responsible for a tiny
proportion of deaths caused by
terrorism, but in recent years it is
they who have been the greatest
sufferers from state terrorism: in
Palestine, Iraq, Bosnia, Chechnya and
Somalia.” [57]
The U.S.
military-industrial complex - which is
the driving force behind the
contemporary world order - bears prime
responsibility for manufacturing new
false threats in the post-Cold War
period to justify an ongoing
anti-humanitarian foreign policy, whose
objective is nothing other than global
economic domination. The
corporate-controlled media is the
principal tool through which the general
public can be spoon-fed this ideology.
Under the imperatives of U.S. hegemonic
expansionism, legitimised and veiled by
the mass media, the world is likely to
see escalating turmoil, violence and
instability as the U.S. extends its
tentacles of consolidation to new
regions, and faces increasing threats
from popular demands for social change
throughout the world.
But none of this is permissible for
public consumption – widespread
understanding of the facts would
delegitimise the current world order and
the systematic pattern of a
profit-orientated U.S. foreign policy
that routinely utilizes terror in the
pursuit of strategic and economic
interests. And thus, the mass media must
obfuscate facts in order to maintain the
stability of the system of elite
control.
In fact, the unprecedented attacks on
key U.S. buildings on the 11th
September mark a shift in the way the
U.S.-led West normally conducts its
profit-orientated wars on the rest of
the world. It is simply inaccurate for
the U.S. to claim that the perpetrators
of Black Tuesday’s horrific atrocities
constitute a “declaration of war” on
America. America, leading the other
Western powers, declared war on the
non-Western Third World many decades
ago. There is barely any other way of
understanding the now infamous 1948
declassified top secret planning report
by the State Department’s policy
planning staff, headed by George Kennan:
“We have about 50
per cent of the world’s wealth, but only
6.3 per cent of its population... In
this situation, we cannot fail to be the
object of envy and resentment. Our real
task in the coming period is to devise a
pattern of relationships which will
permit us to maintain this position of
disparity without positive detriment to
our national security. To do so we will
have to dispense with all sentimentality
and day-dreaming; and our attention will
have to be concentrated everywhere on
our immediate national objectives. We
need not deceive ourselves that we can
afford the luxury of altruism and
world-benefaction... We should cease to
talk about vague and... unreal
objectives such as human rights, the
raising of living standards, and
democratization. The day is not far off
when we will have to deal in straight
power concepts. The less we are then
hampered by idealistic slogans, the
better.” [58]
The war to “maintain
disparity” has come home. The victims of
the system of global apartheid - in
which the Western powers control the
world’s resources while the majority of
the population toils under regimes of
extreme oppression and deprivation
propped up by the international
community - are becoming increasingly
intolerant of the inhumane conditions in
which they are forced to attempt to
survive. If we are to genuinely stop
such acts of terror from being repeated,
then we must dismantle the unjust system
that creates such inhumane conditions
from which individuals arise with so
little hope that they feel compelled to
use violence. A U.S. response calculated
to label and target everyone not “on our
side” indiscriminately - parroted and
trumpeted by a corporate-dominated media
which is institutionally dependent upon
the elite agenda and based on the same
elite strategic principles and economic
interests - will only exacerbate the
systematic injustices of world order and
create conditions conducive to a spiral
of violence and war, from which no one
will benefit. It is our responsibility
to challenge media lies, and thereby
challenge the ideological base of
legitimacy that the media grants the
unaccountable activities of the
self-interested corporate elite. In
doing so, we are challenging the very
foundations of U.S./Western imperial
policy throughout the world.
[1] See for instance
Wattie, Chris, ‘U.S. vows revenge’, National Post, 12 September
2001; Luxton, Peter, ‘Amid the Chaos, What’s Next for the Market’,
Business Week, 11 September 2001; Gee, Marcus, The Globe
and Mail, cited in ‘What the world’s press says’, The
Guardian, 14 December 2001,
http://media.guardian.co.uk/attack/story/0,1301,618880,00.html ;
National Geographic,
http://www.nationalgeographic.com/traveler/related.html .
[3] Parenti, Michael,
Against Empire, City Light Books, 1995. See Chapter 3
‘Intervention: Whose gain? Whose pain?’.
[4] Monbiot, George,
‘Collateral Repair: How to Win the War with Peace’, The Guardian,
25 September 2001.
[6] It is worth noting
that United Airlines flight 93 crashed into a field in Pennsylvania,
without any explosion or impact into a building, thus escaping the
same inferno that engulfed the WTC. Amazingly, both its Black Boxes
are supposed to have been destroyed or unusable.
[9] See Zaman, Shibli,
‘FBI’s Investigation of the WTC Tragedy Exposed’, Houston Tx, 18
September 2001, Shibli@Zaman.Net .
[13] Margolis, Eric, ‘Is
the Gun Smoking? “Experts” Disagree on bin Laden Home Video’,
Toronto Sun, 17 December 2001.
[15] Monbiot, George,
‘The need for dissent,’ The Guardian, 18 Sept. 2001.
[16] For extensive
discussion of the U.S. bombing of Al-Shifa in the context of U.S.
relations with Sudan, see Ahmed, Nafeez M., ‘United States Terrorism
in the Sudan: The Bombing of Al-Shifa and its Strategic Role in
U.S.-Sudan Relations,’ Media Monitors Network, 22 October 2001,
http://www.mediamonitors.net/mosaddeq16.html . The matters raised in
this paper were presented to the Policy Committee of the UK’s National
Union of Journalists in Oct. 2001.
[17] BBC 2, Newsnight,
London, 11 September 2001.
[18] Former Secretary of
State Lawrence Eagleburger, CNN, 11 September 2001.
[19] Dunleavy, Steve,
New York Post, 12 September 2001.
[20] Coulter, Ann, New
York Daily News, 12 September 2001.
[21] Rich Lowry,
National Review editor, to Howard Kurtz (Washington Post,
13 September 2001).
[22] ‘The O’Reilly
Factor’, Fox News Channel, 13 September 2001.
[23] Shoup, Laurence H.,
‘Shaping the Postwar World’, Insurgent Sociologist, Vol. 5, No.
3, Spring 1975.
[24] For discussion see
Said, Edward, Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts
Determine How We See the Rest of the World, Vintage, London, 1997.
[25] IPA News Release,
‘Another Gulf of Tonkin Resolution? Because We Embrace Freedom?’,
Institute for Public Accuracy, Washington DC, 13 September 2001,
http://www.accuracy.org .
[26] See Ahmed, Nafeez
M., ‘The 1991 Gulf Massacre: The Historical and Strategic Context of
Western Terrorism in the Gulf,’ Media Monitors Network, Los Angeles,
CA, 2 October 2001,
www.mediamonitors.net/mosaddeq14.html .
[27] The Guardian,
29th January 2002.
[28] Hadar, Leon T., ‘The
“Green Peril”: Creating the Islamic Fundamentalist Threat’, Policy
Analysis, Cato Institute, No. 177, 27 August 1992.
[29] Perlmutter, Amos,
‘Wishful Thinking About Islamic Fundamentalism’, Washington Post,
19 January 1992.
[30] Hoagland, Jim,
‘Washington’s Algerian Dilemma’, Washington Post, 6 February
1992.
[31] Beichman, Arnold, ‘Iran’s Covetous Glances’,
Washington Times, 28 February 1992. Also see Miller, Judith, ‘The
Challenge of Radical Islam’, Foreign Affairs, Spring 1993.
[32] Guardian, 3
February 1995. Similar such quotes from the Western press and academia
are cited copiously in Said, Edward, Covering Islam, op. cit.
[33] Hadar, Leon T., ‘The
“Green Peril”: Creating the Islamic Fundamentalist Threat’, Policy
Analysis, Cato Institute, No. 177, 27 August 1992.
[34] Fandy, Mamoun, ‘In
Focus: Islamists and US Policy’, Foreign Policy In Focus, Vol.
1, No. 21, December 1996.
[35] Masud, Enver,
‘Clinton’s $124 Billion Defense Increase Jeopardizes Social Security,
Medicare: `Islamic terrorism` helps justify defense spending’, Wisdom
Fund, Arlington, 18 January 1999,
http://www.twf.org/index.html .
[36] Masud, Enver,
‘Commission Hypes Terror, Doubles Budget’, The Wisdom Fund, Arlington,
15 June 2000.
[37] Hartung, William,
Milwaukee Sentinel & Journal, 11 January 1999.
-
[38] A skillful online
dissection of the myth of Islamic terrorism supported by the media
and academia, see the cutting edge web-site of the University of
Colorado’s Religious Studies Deparment established by Kevin Choi,
True Lies: The Construction of “Islamic” Terrorism in Politics and
Academia,
http://www.colorado.edu/ReligiousStudies/TheStrip
-
/features/truelies/title.htm . Also
see Masud, Enver, ‘Islamic Fundamentalism $500 Billion Bogey:
Welfare `reform` expected to save $55 billion in six years’, The
Wisdom Fund (TWF), 2 August 1996; Enver, ‘Facts Belie Hype About
`Islamic Terrorism`’, TWF, 31 December 1999. For a deeper analysis
see Hadar, Leon T., ‘The “Green Peril”: Creating the Islamic
Fundamentalist Threat’, op. cit; Sayyid, Bobby S., A Fundamental
Fear: Eurocentrism and the Emergence of Islamism, Zed Books,
1997; Esposito, John L., The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality?,
Oxford University Press, New York, 1992; Masud, Enver, The War On
Islam, The Wisdom Fund, Madrasah Books Division, Arlington,
2000.
[39] For some insight into what is meant by this,
see especially Said, Edward, Orientalism, Random House, New
York, 1979; also see Said, Covering Islam, Pantheon, New York,
1981.
[40] Huntington, Samuel, Clash of Civilizations: Remaking
of World Order, Simon & Schuster, New York, 1996.
[41] The Times, 12
September 2001.
[43] These policies and
the countries in which they have operated have been discussed
extensively by this author in thousands of pages worth of
documentation, contained in successive research papers. These are
available online at the author’s homepage, hosted by the
California-based Media Monitors Network,
http://nafeez.mediamonitors.net . The
website of the Institute for Policy Research & Development (IPRD) in
Brighton, UK, also hosts a large archive of papers by scholars,
journalists and other experts related to this subject.
[44] Rao, K. S. Ramakrishna, ‘Islam and Mohammad the
Prophet’, Islam and the Modern Age, Hydrabad, March 1978. Also
see Halliday, Fred, Islam and the Myth of Confrontation:
religion and politics in the Middle East, 1996, which provides a
magisterial refutation of Huntington’s thesis.
[45] Welt am Sonn-tag,
19 December 1999.
[46] U.S. Commission on
National Security/21st Century, New World Coming: Supporting
Research and Analysis, No. 88. A National Security Strategy for
a New Century, December 1999 version.
[47] See for example
Esposito, John L., ‘The Islamic Factor’, in Marr, Phebe ed., Egypt
at the Crossroads: Domestic Stability and Regional Role, National
Defense University Press, Washington, DC 1999, p. 61-62.
[49] Progler, J. A., ‘The
Utility of Islamic Imagery in the West: An American Case Study’,
Winter 1997, Al-Tawhid: A Journal of Islamic Thought & Culture,
Vol. XIV, No. 4.
[50] Stephens, Angela,
‘Terror in East Africa: fundamentally un-Islamic’, The Progressive
Media Project, September 1998.
[51] Cited in ibid. Also
see Commission on British Muslims & Islam, Islamophobia: A
Challenge for Us All, 23 October 1997; report on Islamophobia of
the Runnymede Trust, 22 October 1997; IHRC report, Anti-Muslim
Discrimination and Hostility in the United Kingdom, Islamic Human
Rights Commission, 2000.
[52] IHRC Report, UK
Today: The Anti-Muslim Backlash in the Wake of September 11,
2001, Islamic Human Rights Commission, London, October 2001,
http://www.ihrc.org .
[54] Pilger, John,
Hidden Agendas, Vintage, London, 1998, p. 34.
[55] Masud, Enver, ‘Facts Belie
Hype About Islamic Terrorism’, The Wisdom Fund [TWF], Arlington, 31
December 1999.
[56] Figure cited by
Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC), London,
http://www.ihrc.org .
The figure is confirmed by other leading human rights organisations.
[57] ‘Who are the most enduring
terrorists?’, New
Statesman, 21 August 1998.
[58]
Policy Planning Staff, ‘Review of current trends: U.S. foreign
policy’, 24 February, 1948, FRUS, Volume 1, Part 2, pp. 510-29.
For further discussion see Ahmed, Nafeez M., ‘America in Terror –
Causes and Context: The Foundational Principles of Western Foreign
Policy and the Structure of World Order’, Media Monitors Network, 12
September 2001, http://www.mediamonitors.net/mosaddeq12.html .
Mr. Nafeez Ahmed is a
British political analyst and human rights activist based in London. He is
Executive Director of the Institute for Policy Research & Development and
a
Researcher at the Islamic Human Rights
Commission.
This article is based partly on research in Ahmed’s new book on the
U.S. role in the 9/11 attacks,
The War on Freedom: How
and Why America was Attacked, September 11, 2001.
Buy
the related book (s) now:
Source:
by courtesy & ©
2002
Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed
by the same author:
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