My Lord,
I am
enclosing herewith an appeal on behalf of the thirty
million Muslims of PAKSTAN, who live in the five
Northern Units of India - Punjab, N.W.F.P (Afghan
Province), Kashmir, Sindh and Baluchistan, embodying
their inexorable demand for the recognition of their
separate national status, as distinct from the rest of
India, by the grant of a separate Federal Constitution
on social, religious, political and historical grounds.
May I
venture to request you to acquaint me please with your
valuable opinion as to the proposed solution of this
great Indian problem as explained herein.
I do
hope and trust that, vitally interested as you are in
the permanent solution of this problem, the objects
outlined in the appeal will meet your fullest approval
and active support.
-
I have the honour to remain, my Lord,
-
Your Lordship's obedient servant,
-
RAHMAT ALI,
-
(Choudhary)
*~*~*~*~*~*~*
At this solemn hour in the
history of India, when British and Indian statesmen are
laying the foundations of a Federal Constitutions for
that land, we address this appeal to you, in the name
of our common heritage, on behalf of our thirty million
Muslim brethren who live in PAKSTAN - by which we mean
the five Northern units of India, Viz.: Punjab,
North-West Frontier Province (Afghan Province),
Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan - for your sympathy and
support in our grim and fateful struggle against
political crucifixion and complete annihilation.
Our brave but voiceless nation is being
sacrificed on the altar of Hindu Nationalism not only by the
non-Muslims, but to the lasting disgrace of Islam, by our own
so-called leaders, with reckless disregard to our future and in
utter contempt of the teachings of history.
The Indian Muslim Delegation at the Round
Table Conference have committed an inexcusable and prodigious
blunder. They have submitted, in the name of Hindu Nationalism, to
the perpetual subjection of the ill-starred Muslim nation. These
leader have already agreed, without any protest or demur and without
any reservation, to a Constitution based on the principle of an
All-India Federation. This, in essence, amounts to nothing less than
signing the death-warrant of Islam and its future n India. In doing
so, they have taken shelter behind the so-called Mandate from the
community. But they forgot that that suicidal Mandate was framed and
formulated by their own hands. That Mandate was not the Mandate of
the Muslims of India. Nations never give Mandates to their
representatives to barter away their very souls; and men of
conscience never accept such self-annihilating Mandates, if given -
much less execute them. At a time of a crisis of this magnitude, the
foremost duty of saving statesmanship is to give a fair, firm and
fearless lead, which, alas, has been persistently denied to eighty
million of our co-religionists in India by our leader during the
last seventy-five years. These have been the years of false issues,
of lost opportunities and of utter blindness to the most essential
and urgent need of the Muslim interests. Their policy has throughout
been nerveless in action and subservient in attitude. They have all
along been paralyzed with fear and doubt, and have deliberately,
time and again, sacrificed their political principles for the sake
of opportunism and expediency. To do so even at this momentous
juncture is a policy of Bedlam. It is idle for us not to look this
tragic truth in the face. The tighter we shut our eyes, the harder
the truth will hit us.
At this critical moment, when this tragedy is
being enacted, permit us to appeal to you for your practical
sympathy and active support for the demand of a separate Federation
- a matter of life and death for the Muslims of India - as outlined
and explained below.
India, constituted as it is at present moment,
is not the name of one single country; nor the home of one single
nation. It is, in fact, the designation of a Stated created for the
first time in history, by the British. It includes peoples who have
never previously formed part of India at any period in its history;
but who have, on the other hand, from the dawn of history till the
advent of the British, possessed and retained distinct nationalities
of their own.
In the five Northern Provinces of India, out
of a total population of about forty millions, we, the Muslims,
constitute about thirty millions. Our religion, culture, history,
tradition, economic system, laws of inheritance, succession and
marriage basically and fundamentally different from those of the
people living in the rest of the India. The ideals which move our
thirty million brethren-in-faith living in these Provinces to make
the highest sacrifices are fundamentally different from those which
inspire the Hindus. These differences are not confined to the broad
basic principles - far from it. They extend to the minutest details
of our lives. We do not inter-dine; we do not inter-marry. Our
national customs, calendars, even our diet and dress are different.
It is preposterous to compare, as some
superficial observers do, the differences between Muslims and Hindus
with those between Roman Catholics and Protestants. Both the
Catholics and Protestants are part of parcel of one religious system
- Christianity; while the Hindus and Muslims are the followers of
two essentially and fundamentally different religious systems.
Religion in the case of Muslims and Hindus is not a matter of
private opinion as it is in the case of Christians; but on the other
hand constitutes a Civic Church which lays down a code of conduct to
be observed by their adherents from birth to death.
If we, the Muslims of Pakstan, with our
distinct marks of nationality, are deluded into the proposed Indian
Federation by friends or foes, we are reduced to a minority of one
to four. It is this which sounds the death-knell of the Muslims
nation in India for ever. To realise the full magnitude of this
impending catastrophe, let us remind you that we thirty millions
constitute about on-tenth of the whole Muslim world. The total area
of the five unites comprising PAKSTAN, which are our homelands, is
four times that of Italy, three times that of Germany and twice that
of France; and our population seven times that of the Commonwealth
of Australia, four times that of the Dominion of Canada, twice that
of Spain , and equal to France and Italy considered individually.
These are facts - hard facts and realities -
which we challenge anybody to contradict. It is on the basis of
these facts that we make bold to assert without the least fear of
contradiction that we, Muslims PAKSTAN, do possess a separate and
distinct nationality from the rest of India, where the Hindu nation
lives and has every right to live. We, therefore, deserve and must
demand the recognition of a separate national status by the grant of
a separate Federal Constitution from the rest of India.
In addressing this appeal to the Muslims of
India, we are also addressing it to the two other great interests -
British and Hindu - involved in the settlement of India's future.
They must understand that in our conviction our body and soul are at
stake. Our very being and well-being depends upon it. For our five
great Northern states to join an All-India Federation would be
disastrous, not only to ourselves, but to every other race and
interest in India, including the British and the Hindu.
This is more especially true when there is
just and reasonable alternative to the proposed settlement, which
will lay the foundations of a peaceful future for this great
sub-continent; and should certainly allow of the highest development
of each of these two peoples without one being subject to another.
This alternative is a separate Federation of these five
predominantly (sic) Muslim units - Punjab, North-West Frontier
Province (Afghan Province), Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan. The
Muslim Federation of North-West India would provide the bulwark of a
buffer state against any invasion either of ideas or arms from
outside. The creation of such a Federation would not materially
disturb the ratio of the Muslim and Hindu population in the ret of
India. It is wholly to the interest of British and Hindu
statesmanship to have as an ally a free, powerful and contented
Muslim nation having similar but separate Constitution to that which
is being enacted for the rest of India. Nothing but a separate
Federation of homelands would satisfy us. This demand is basically
from the suggestion put forward by Doctor Sir Mohammed Iqbal in his
Presidential address to the All-India Muslim League in 1930. While
he proposed the amalgamation of the provinces into a single state
forming a unit of the All-India Federation, we propose that these
Provinces should have a separate Federation of their own. There can
be no peace and tranquility in the land if we, the Muslims, are
duped into a Hindu-dominated Federation where we cannot be the
master of our own destiny and captains of our won souls.
Do the safeguard provided for in the
Constitution give us any scope to work for our salvation along our
own lines ? Not a bit. Safeguard is the magic word which hold our
leaders spellbound , and has dulled their consciences. In the
ecstasy of their hallucinations they think that the pills of
safeguards can cure nation-annihilating earthquakes. Safeguards
asked for by these leaders and agreed to by the makers of the
Constitution can never be a substitute for the loss of separate
nationality. We, the Muslims, shall have to fight that course of
suicidal insanity to death. What safeguards can be devised to
prevent our minority of one in four in an All-India Federation from
being sacrificed. on every vital issue to the aims and interests of
the majority race, which differs from us in every essential of
individual and corporate life ? What safeguards can prevent the
catastrophe of the Muslim nation smarting and suffering eternally at
the frustration of its every social and religious ideal ? What
safeguards can compensate our nation awakened to its national
consciousness for the destruction of its distinct national status ?
However effective and extensive the safeguards may be, the vital
organs and proud symbols of our national life, such as army and
navy, foreign relations, trade and commerce, communications, posts
and telegraphs, taxation and customs, will not be under our control,
but will be in the hands of a Federal Government, which is bound to
be overwhelmingly Hindu. With all this, how can we, the Muslims,
achieve any of our ideals if those ideals conflict - conflict as
they must - with the ideals of Hindus ?
The History of the last century, in this
respect, is full of unforgettable lessons for us. Even one who runs
may read them. To take just one instance: Despite all these
safeguards and guarantees we have enjoyed in the past, the very name
of our national language - URDU, even now the lingua franca
of that great sub-continent - has been wiped out of the list of
Indian languages. We have just to open the latest census report to
very it. This by itself is a fall. Are we fated to fall farther ?
But that too is dust in the scales by comparison with the tremendous
national issues involving our whole future as a nation and a power
not only in India but also in the whole of Asia.
In the face of these incontrovertible facts,
we are entitled to ask for what purpose we are being asked to make
the supreme sacrifice of surrendering our nationality and submitting
ourselves and our posterity to Non-Muslim domination ? What good is
likely to accrue to Islam and Muslims by going into the
Federation is a thing which passes our understanding. Are we to be
crucified just to save the faces of our leader or to bolster up the
preposterous that India can be a single nation ? Is it with a view
to achieve a compromise t all costs, or it it to support the the
illusion that Hindu nationalism is working in the interests of
Muslims as well as Hindus ? Irony is flattered to death by a mental
muddle of such a nature and on such a scale. We have suffered in the
past without a murmur and faced dangers without demur. The one thing
we would never suffer is our own strangulation. We will not crucify
ourselves upon the cross of Hindu nationalism in order to make a
Hindu-holiday.
May we be permitted to ask of all those
statesmen - Muslim or British or Hindu - supporting the Federal
Constitution, if it is really desirable to make our nation sacrifice
all that Islam has given us during the last fourteen hundred years
to make India a nation ? Does humanity really stand to gain by this
stupendous sacrifice ? We dare say that still in Islam the ancient
fire glows and promises much for the future, if only the leaders
would let it live. Whilst in Europe, excluding Russia, in about the
same area as that of India and with about the same population, there
live and prosper as many as twenty-six nations, with one and the
same religion, civilisation and economic system, surely it is not
only possible but highly desirable for two fundamentally different
and distinct nations, i.e., Muslims and Hindu, to live as friendly
neighbours in peace and prosperity in that vast sub-continent. What
bitter irony is it that our leaders have not the courage to stand up
and demand the minimum for our political salvation.
We are face to face with a first-rate tragedy,
the like of which has not been seen even in the long an eventful
history of Islam. It is not the question of a sect or of a community
going down; but it is the supreme problem which affects the destiny
of the whole of Islam and the millions of human being who, till
quite recently, were the custodian of the glory of Islam in India
and the defenders of its frontiers. We have a still greater future
before us, if only our soul can be saved from the perpetual mistake
about it. The issue is now or never. Either we live or perish for
ever. The future is ours only if we live up to our faith. It does
not lie in the lap of the gods, but it rests in our own hands. We
can make or mar it. The history of the last century is full of open
warnings, and they are as plain as were ever given to any nation.
Shall it be said of us that we ignored all these warnings and
allowed our ancient heritage to perish in our own hands ?
|
Mohd Aslma Khan,
(Khattak).
President, Khyber
Union.
|
Rahmat Ali,
(Choudhary).
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Sheikh Mohd Sadiq,
(Sahibzada).
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Inayat Ullah Khan,
(of Charsaddah).
Secretary, Khyber
Union.
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