by Mohamed Sid-Ahmed
As humankind moves into the third millennium,
it can rightfully claim to have broken new ground in its age-old
quest to master its environment. The fantastic achievements of
modern technology at the turn of the century and the speed at which
scientific discoveries are translated into technological
applications attest to the triumph of human endeavour. At the same
time, however, some of these applications threaten to unleash forces
over which we have no control. Man's grasp of his environment has
gone beyond the world he can perceive by means of his five senses,
and now extends to micro- and macro-worlds lying outside the realm
of those senses. Because the features of these new worlds are so
very different from those of his familiar universe, Man's
understanding of their inner workings is less than perfect and his
ability to control them far from certain. In other words, the new
technology he now believes allows him to dominate this wider cosmos
could well be a Frankenstein's monster waiting to turn on its
master.
This is an entirely new situation that
promises to change many of the perceptions governing life on the
planet as we have hitherto lived it. The most acute conflicts we
will be required to deal with in future are likely to be not only,
or even mainly, those pitting man against his fellow-man, but those
involving humankind's struggle to preserve the environment and
ensure the sustainability of life on earth. A conflict waged to
ensure the survival of the human species as a whole is bound to
bring humans closer together. Technological progress has thus proved
to be a double-edged sword, giving rise to a new form of conflict
that was unimaginable when technology was able to do no more that
scratch the surface of the planet: a conflict between Man and
Nature.
The new form of conflict is more dangerous
than the traditional form between man and his fellow-man, where the
protagonists at least share a common language. But when it comes to
the reactions of the ecosystems to the onslaught of modern
technology, there is no common language. Nature reacts with weather
disturbances, with storms and earthquakes, with mutant viruses and
bacteria -- that is, with phenomena having no apparent
cause-and-effect relationship with the modern technology that
supposedly triggered them off.
As technology becomes ever more potent and
Nature reacts ever more violently, there is an urgent need to
rethink how best to deal with the growing contradictions between Man
and Nature. For a start, the planet, and hence all its inhabitants,
must be perceived as an integral whole, not as a dichotomous mass
divided geographically into a rich, developed North and a poor,
underdeveloped South. To privilege sectors of the international
community at the expense of others is self-defeating in the long
run. Today, globalisation encompasses the whole world and deals with
it as an integral unit. It is no longer possible to say that
conflict has shifted from its traditional east-west axis to a
north-south axis: the real divide today is between summit and base,
between the higher echelons of the international political structure
and its grassroots level, between governments and NGOs, between
state and civil society, between public and private enterprise, etc.
A word that has recently entered the lexicon
of politics is governance, as in 'good governance.' No longer
confined to its original meaning as an exercise of authority by
state instruments and institutions, it has come to acquire a broader
sense and now covers also the exercise of authority by the
instruments and institutions of civil society. It is symbolic of a
globalised society whose structure is closer to that of a mesh or
network with many heads than that of a pyramid, a hierarchical
system with only one head. The mesh structure is particularly
obvious in the Internet, the net of all nets in the field of
information, and one of the most striking manifestations of our
time. While it is true that to date the Internet seems to be
privileging the most developed sectors of the international
community over the less developed, this need not always be the case.
Indeed, it could eventually help overcome the disparities between
the privileged and the underdeveloped rather than, as now seems to
be the case, deepen the lag. Radio and television have spread all
over the world at an astonishing pace; computers, e-mail and the
Internet can very well do the same.
Another word whose meaning has expanded
recently is illiteracy, which is now used to describe not only the
inability to read and write, but also the inability to use
computers, e-mail, and the Internet, the tools of the new
information age. The ability to deal with the electron, to visit the
infinitely small, has become a must for coping with the expanding
horizons of our universe. On the other hand, the macro-world in
which we live is exposed to distortions and perversions because of
the unpredictable side-effects of a micro-world we do not and cannot
totally control. Not everything science discovers or invents and
that technology produces is beneficial to the human race.
This raises the need for a global system of
checks and balances, for mandatory rules and constraints in our
dealings with Nature, in short, for a new type of veto designed to
manage what is increasingly becoming a main contradiction of our
time: the one between technology and ecology. Under the Cold War,
weapons of mass destruction threatened humankind with extinction.
But the replacement of the bipolar by a unipolar world order has not
freed man from the threat of self-destruction: the mishandling of
our planet can come to represent a greater threat than that posed by
conflicts between or inside societies.
A new type of international machinery must be
set in place to cope with the new challenges. There now exists a
veto system by which five members of the international community are
empowered to proscribe given political acts and crimes against
humanity. Can there be any greater crime against humanity than
unleashing uncontrolled forces of Nature against the human species?
We need a new kind of veto to harness the new scientific
discoveries, to maximise their positive effects for the promotion of
humanity as a whole and minimise their negative effects. We need an
authority with veto powers to proscribe practices conducive to
increasing the ozone hole, the propagation of AIDS, global warming,
desertification, an authority that will tackle such global problems
as water shortage and industrial pollution. The frame of reference
for such an authority would be humankind as a whole, not any
specific portion of it. That is why it should remain separate from
the present structure of the United Nations which privileges certain
great powers at the expense of all other states.
Even if they proceed from different premises
the two authorities need not work at cross-purposes. They can
co-exist while the new machinery acquires greater authority and
eventually takes over the functions now exercised by the UN in its
present form and with its present biases, which can be tolerated for
a period to come, but not indefinitely.
There should be no discontinuity in the global
machinery responsible for world order. The UN in its present form
may fall far short of what is required of it, it may be undemocratic
and detrimental to most citizens in the world, but its absence would
be still worse. And so we have to hold on to the international
organisation even as we push forward for its complete restructuring.
We cannot afford a repeat performance of the
discontinuity that separated the League of Nations from the United
Nations throughout World War II. A third world war is unthinkable.
Our best hope would be that, over a given period of co-existence
between the two machineries, the functions of the present United
Nations, with its specific type of veto power, are gradually taken
over by the new machinery of veto power representing genuine
democratic globalisation. Meanwhile, how this alternative machinery
will be built and how it will take over are complex issues that need
to be addressed by a collective body of political thinkers.
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