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Politics as Performance Art, Journalism as Drama Reviews
by Norman Solomon
Gushy reviews began as
soon as George W. Bush stepped away from the podium in the House
chamber. On NBC, Tim Russert explained that the performance was
especially impressive due to the new president's personal history of
being podium-adverse: "I was amazed at how conversational he
was tonight, and confident and comfortable." An analyst for ABC
News marveled that Bush had established a "commanding
presence."
By the next day, the
media verdict was in: The nation's leader is learning to make
effective use of a TelePrompTer!
Stage presence, cadence,
rhythm, choreography -- they can really add up in the professional
calculations by journalists. And Bush, known to have a remarkably
short attention span, seems to be well-suited to a medium that
greatly values style over substance. Like a negative in a developing
pan, the current president's TV profile is taking shape. Some
political reporters scoff in private, no doubt, but their on-the-job
respect is thick as dense smoke.
Journalists who
specialize in critiquing televised images are watching closely. The
Washington Post's Tom Shales greeted the big speech with notable
satisfaction at signs of progress: "George W.'s television
persona is definitely improving. He was relaxed and confident and
thereby reassuring." Evidently, we're supposed to feel
reassured that the president is competent, wise and kind -- rather
than bumbling, vacuous and greedy -- if he exudes relaxation and
confidence on TV screens.
Shales is the most
influential critic of television to be read at Washington's
breakfast tables, and perhaps that stature has inflated his sense of
omniscience. During the speech, he wrote, Bush "proceeded to
make himself welcome in the American home." But if such a
singular entity as "the American home" ever existed, it
long ago went the way of Ozzie, Harriet and the Beav.
Plunging ahead to his
climax, Shales went on: "Chances are, most of those who saw the
speech feel much better about Bush this morning than they did one
second before he began it." Shales concluded: "Bush took
the oath of office on Jan. 20, but he really became president last
night."
It's one thing to
predict, monitor or analyze the public's gullibility, and quite
another to worsen it by proclaiming your own. The words from Shales
were delightful for the White House spinners who have worked hard to
orchestrate the opening performances of the George W. Bush
presidency.
And Bush media
strategists must be pleased that countless journalists -- egged on
by network anchors -- have launched a new round of exclamations
about Bush's ability to confound adversaries who underestimate him.
"This is not an
original thought -- he constantly surprises people by exceeding
expectations," Dan Rather said on CBS after Bush's address to
Congress. Meanwhile, on ABC, Peter Jennings made the same
observation. Neither one paused to wonder aloud about whether they
weren't simply playing their part in a ritual of a president's high
jumps over low media standards.
Tom Brokaw made note of
cordial relations between President Bush and Democratic
congressional leaders, then wrapped up NBC's coverage for the night
by observing: "The times they are a'changin' here in Washington
in the 21st century." Roll over, Bob Dylan.
Perhaps there are some
constants in American political life. As potential counterweights to
dubious presidents, the lawmakers at the other end of Pennsylvania
Avenue have a history of being rather lightweight. "Who are
they, as bats and night-bogs, askant in the Capitol?" wrote
Walt Whitman. "Are those really Congressmen?"
Whitman's haiku-like
couplet has stood the test of time. Giving undue deference even to a
president who lost the national popular vote by more than half a
million ballots, the present-day loyal opposition provides much more
loyalty than opposition.
What's wrong with most
media coverage of two-party conflicts and accommodations is akin to
what's wrong with those two parties themselves: The narrowness of
outlooks and paucity of wide-ranging debate is self-reinforcing. And
when the vast majority of media coverage is scarcely wider than the
range of the Republican and Democratic party establishments, the
closed loop of public discourse is in mortal danger of choking on
its own toxic effluents.
In defense of the media
status quo, high-profile journalists are apt to insist that they're
simply doing their jobs by reporting "the news" -- and
naturally the most powerful elected officials and their appointees
make the most newsworthy pronouncements. But that kind of logic
makes sense for democracy only if we forget that they're all
functioning inside concentric circles that revolve around big money.
In the corporate-funded
vessels that carry presidents and congressional leaders -- as well
as network anchors and their colleagues -- on mainstream journeys,
the process of going along to get along with corporate power is
routine for getting and keeping their jobs. You won't find vehement
boat-rockers among them.
Norman Solomon is a syndicated
columnist. His latest book is "The Habits of Highly Deceptive
Media."
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