It is difficult not to be impressed by Secretary of State Colin
Powell. Even his critics acknowledge his hard work, his discipline
and his loyal service to America. Beyond that, there is his
character, his obvious intellect and his personal charisma.
Some have asked how easy would it be for Powell to make the
shift from military to civilian life? Reading his autobiography,
My American Journey, listening to his speeches or engaging the man
in discussion, it becomes clear that the transition was quite
easy. He understands and thinks deeply about security issues, to
be sure, but he also quotes freely from Dr. Martin Luther King and
Thomas Jefferson. Powell has struggled not only with foreign
policy questions. He has worked, as well, to develop a broader
philosophical worldview that is consistent with and shaped by his
personal life experience.
In his autobiography, Powell describes his life story as
follows: "Mine is the story of a black kid of no early
promise from an immigrant family of limited means who was raised
in the South Bronx and somehow rose to become National Security
Advisor to the President of the United States and then Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It is a story of hard work and good
luck ...It is a story of service and soldiering. It is a story
about the people who helped make me what I am. It is a story of my
benefiting from opportunities created by the sacrifice of those
who went before me and maybe my benefiting those who will follow.
It is a story of faith-faith in myself and faith in
America....It's a love story: love of family, of friends. Of the
Army and of my country."
His African American heritage, his government service, the
loyalty of his family and friends, his profound respect for the
values of democracy and the opportunities of freedom-these are the
matters that have formed Colin Powell.
So this is the man that Arab leaders will meet in his new role
this week. When they last met Powell, he was Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff-the top U.S. military leader, who had overall
responsibility during the Gulf War.
Some critics writing of this period described Powell as
"the reluctant warrior," because they alleged that he
resisted military engagement that had ill-defined goals. Powell,
shaped by his Vietnam experience and the young friends he saw die
in that long conflict, has indeed raised legitimate questions
about the use of force. War is, he has said, "the last
resort" and should not be used casually. He has also been
reported to have resisted the engagement in Somalia and early
efforts to use a piece-meal approach to force in Bosnia.
Despite efforts by critics to harm his reputation, he defended
his position, was supported by former President Bush and at the
end of the Gulf War was universally praised as "an American
hero."
After leaving the military in 1993, Powell became the hottest
political property in the United States. With popularity ratings
often times above 80 percent, he was eagerly sought after by both
political parties. Even before he retired, some Republicans had
proposed him as former President Bush's Vice Presidential running
mate in 1992. It was falsely reported that Clinton had offered him
the role of Secretary of State early in his Administration.
Powell chose, however, to spend private time with this family
and used the time to develop his broader political views. When he
finally declared his affinity with the Republican Party in 1995,
there were strong indications that he might seek the Republican
nomination for President in 1996.
Because of his announced moderate views on civil rights,
affirmative action, abortion and the positive role of government,
hard line conservatives launched a bitter assault on Powell. Even
though he chose not to run that year, his political star remained
bright. Many observers note that George W. Bush's strong
suggestion, during the 2000 campaign, that he would name Powell as
Secretary of State helped the Texas Governor win the support of
those who questioned Bush's ability to manage foreign affairs.
When Bush was elected and made Powell his first appointment, it
enhanced the stature of the new Administration. Powell won quick
confirmation from an admiring Senate.
Now Secretary of State, Powell faces what may be the most
serious challenges of his career.
The Department that he has been called upon to manage has
suffered a serious decline in morale during the past several
administrations. Career diplomats at the Department have sometimes
felt shoved aside in policy-making as political appointees were
positioned to manage critical issues in foreign affairs.
The State Department also suffers from a dramatic lack of funds.
Despite having more than 20,000 employees and responsibility for
representing the United States in more than 250 posts around the
world, the Department budget has significantly declined in the
past two decades. The result has been an agency plagued by too few
employees and antiquated equipment.
Powell is working to reverse both problems. His star power in
Congress will certainly assist the Department in lobbying for
needed funds. And there are already reports of an improved morale
among Foreign Service employees. Powell has been consulting with
the career staff and sought ways to involve them in efforts to
reevaluate and formulate foreign policy.
The new Secretary of State will also face problems of
interagency competition in policy making. This is a normal fact of
life in Washington, so much so that former Clinton National
Security Advisor Anthony Lake once wrote a book on the history of
rivalry between past presidents' national security advisors and
their secretaries of state. Reporters are already speculating that
in this Bush Administration Powell's competitors will most likely
come from Secretary Donald Rumsfeld at the Pentagon and even Vice
President Richard Cheney who, it is reported, is in the process of
building his one high-powered staff of national security advisors
that will report directly to his Chief of Staff. Now much of this
speculation come from foreign policy hawks and conservatives who
may be projecting their own concerns with Powell's moderation.
Whatever the reality, Powell will be a force with which to
contend. He has fought political battles inside administrations
before and emerged a winner. He knows the rules and he knows how
to secure his place.
But then there is the world. Powell begins his tenure as the top
U.S. diplomat facing a set of world conflicts and potential crises
no less serious than those he faced when he left government
service seven years ago. This is, of course, especially true in
the Middle East, where Powell will be confronted with the same two
dilemmas the Bush Administration left in 1992: the unresolved
Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the stand-off with Iraq.
With Secretary Powell now in the Middle East, he is, no doubt,
hearing the serious questions that Arab leaders and public opinion
have about U.S. policies on both the Iraq and Palestinian fronts.
While Governor Bush was critical of Clinton's Iraq policy during
the 2000 campaign, as President he has appeared to adopt the same
formula: reinvigorated sanctions, continued containment, and
regime change. Today, these policies have far less regional
support then they did eight years ago. The effort to confront Iraq
is further complicated by the public relations and, to some
degree, recent economic successes of the Baghdad regime. Many of
Iraq's former enemies are trading with the regime and the walls of
isolation, that the U.S. hoped would limit the Iraqi leader's
external contact, are now crumbling.
The Arab world will also raise serious questions about the U.S.
role in the Arab-Israeli conflict. There is continued concern with
the U.S. double standard and fear that an unstable and extremist
Sharon-led government in Israel may create new provocations
against the Palestinians or the Lebanese or Syrians.
As Powell was to embark on his visit the Bush Administration
took some confusing and mixed actions on both Middle East fronts.
By bombing Iraq for the second time in one week, they made clear
that the initial strike was not to be viewed as an isolated event.
In describing the goals of the attack, however, the President
appeared to leave open the possibility that his Administration
might be using the Powell visit to take a new policy direction on
sanctions and containment that could win regional support.
On the Palestinian front, the Administration also took some
mixed actions that should be noted. In meetings with Palestinian
Authority leaders visiting Washington, Powell and his Assistant
Secretary reportedly insisted that the Palestinian Authority take
steps to halt violence. The Palestinians were also told that the
U.S. would not, at this point, engage in trilateral talks, making
it clear that the Bush Administration approach would differ from
that of the Clinton Administration.
To the Israeli side, the Secretary and his Department's
spokesperson offered both support for a continued strong
U.S.-Israeli relationship and a number of criticisms as well-some
subtle, others more direct. Mr. Powell, for example, directly
urged the Israelis to release tax revenues currently being
withheld from the Palestinian Authority. Last week, as a State
Department spokesperson reiterated the U.S. criticism of Israel's
policy of assassinating Palestinian leaders he also noted that the
State Department was reviewing complaints that U.S weapons have
been used by Israel in violation of U.S. law. And on the day
Powell left to begin his Middle East tour, the State Department
issued its annual human rights report, which included a sharp
critique of Israel's treatment of both Palestinians and the Arab
citizens of Israel.
It is clear that the Administration has not yet formulated a
comprehensive approach to deal with these two critical Middle East
conflicts. In this context, Powell's visit, his first as a
civilian leader, is very important. In meetings with Arab leaders
he will state his views and he will listen. He will then return to
Washington to continue the process of reevaluating and then
formulating U.S. policy.
One can not envy Secretary Powell's predicament. The two
conflicts are complicated in and of themselves. Human lives and
regional stability are at stake. America's vital interests are
also at stake, as is its prestige and leadership. And yet any U.S.
policy response ultimately formulated must also take into
consideration strong pressure from powerful domestic political
forces-in particular, neo-conservatives and the religious right,
both of whom supported President Bush's candidacy. It is not the
first time Powell, "the black kid...from the South
Bronx" has faced such obstacles, but these challenges may
present him his greatest tests yet.
